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{{title|Kosovo and Us|[[Joseph Facal]]|February 20, 2008<br /><br />Excerpt translated by [[User:Liberlogos|Benoît Rheault]] from:<br /><br />''[http://www.josephfacal.org/le-kosovo-et-nous/#more-229 Le blogue de Joseph Facal]''}}
#REDIRECT [[Kosovo and Us]]
 
It is quite a thing to witness the zeal with which our [[Wikipedia:Quebec federalist ideology|federalist]] elites explain us that [[Wikipedia:Kosovo|Kosovo]] and [[Wikipedia:Quebec|Quebec]] have have nothing, strictly nothing to do with each other.
 
The differences between Quebec and Kosovo are indeed numerous and deep. But the interest of the [[Wikipedia:Independence of Kosovo|Kosovar]] case is elsewhere.
 
For years, people seeks to convince Quebecers that there would be, throughout the world, but only one and single way of obtaining [[Wikipedia:Independence|independence]]. We see now that this question is infinitely more complex.
 
== False evidences ==
 
For example, we have been told for a long time that those who wished to leave had to get the permission of the State they wanted to leave, which excluded by definition a [[Wikipedia:Unilateral declaration of independence|unilateral declaration of independence]]. Kosovo illustrates that another way is theoretically possible.
 
From time immemorial, we have been presented as gospel the idea that almost unanimous recognition of the international community would be needed. Nothing as such here. Even powers like [[Wikipedia:China|China]] and [[Wikipedia:Russia|Russia]] are opposed to the [[Wikipedia:Independence of Kosovo|independence of Kosovo]].
 
No [[Wikipedia:referendum|referendum]] in Kosovo either. Obviously, it would be pure madness to start arguing that a referendum would not be necessary [[Wikipedia:Quebec referendum|in the case of Quebec]].
 
One sees on the other hand to what degree it is intellectually dishonest to put the threshold of 55% suggested by the [[Wikipedia:European Union|European Union]] in the case of the [[Wikipedia:Montenegro referendum|referendum held in Montenegro]] as a precedent having from now on the force of law.
 
== To each their own context ==
 
For a long time, we have been told also that the right of peoples to self-determination could be called upon only in cases of peoples in a [[Wikipedia:Colonialism|colonial situation]], or when the State which one wishes to leave is not a [[Wikipedia:Democracy|democracy]].
 
Kosovo is however not a colony, and [[Wikipedia:Serbia|Serbia]] of today is an undeniable democracy.
 
Ah, but Kosovars, they suffered, we are told. That is true, but what is the degree of suffering necessary to qualify oneself? And who ultimately judges?
 
Beyond the legal aspects, we hear sometimes that the small size and [[Wikipedia:Globalization|globalization]] make the statute of a Sovereign state negligible. Kosovars do not seem to think so.
 
== Two conditions ==
 
Is Kosovo a "specific" case? Yes and no. Recent cases in the world where independence has been gained are all so different from one another that we could reasonably argue that each one is a "specific" case.
 
Is it to say that there are no rules, that this gap in the law is absolute? Neither.
 
There are indeed some generally understood principles of [[Wikipedia:international law|international law]] regarding secession. But essentially, international law adjusts with political reality, rather than the opposite.
 
At the core of it all, two essential criteria settle a case.
 
Do those declaring independence have an effective control on the territory they claim? And is there a clear political will on behalf of a majority of the population in question to gain independence?
 
Generally, in these matters, there is more gray area than black and white. We simply have to be aware of it.
 
== Notes ==
This is a translated article of Joseph Facal's blog post ''Le Kosovo et nous''. This is an original and unofficial translation for this site.
 
 
{{GFDL}}

Latest revision as of 02:33, 2 July 2008

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