Brief Sketch of the Life and Times of the Hon. Louis Joseph Papineau: Difference between revisions

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In 1818 he was united in what proved to be the happiest of marriages, with Mademoiselle [[Wikipedia:Julie Papineau|Julie Bruneau]], eldest daughter of [[Wikipedia:Pierre Bruneau|Pierre Bruneau]], Esq., merchant, of Quebec, and member of Parliament for that city. Superior in intellect and education and personal attractions, endowed with a rare prudence, she was through life the best wives and the best of mothers. A true woman, neither too forward nor too retiring, a devoted companion and wise counsellor, sympathizing in every thought of her husband, his ideas were her ideas, his friends her friends. With admiration for his character, and full faith in his future, she clung closely to him during his stormy parliamentary career, followed him cheerfully in exile to endure its privations, and, when domiciled in his [[Ottawa]] retreat, she was there rejoicing in his relief from cares, and continuing to exhibit with him, as they had from the beginning, a most perfect example of all that is excellent and to be admired in every relation of married life. Happily she lived till the storms had passed away, and their sacrifices were unfelt, to enjoy a new year's quiet repose and tranquillity in their last home, where she was the idol of her affections privileged to that rest and dignified leisure for which his soul had long yearned, with those cherished companions - the books of his favourite authors - around him. At [[Wikipedia:Montebello, Quebec|Monte-Bello]], on the 18th August, 1862, when apparently in her usual excellent health, surrounded by her children and grandchildren, she was suddenly stricken down, and after half and hour's illness, calmly her spirit winged its departure from a world that her whole life had so adored.
In 1818 he was united in what proved to be the happiest of marriages, with Mademoiselle [[Wikipedia:Julie Papineau|Julie Bruneau]], eldest daughter of [[Wikipedia:Pierre Bruneau|Pierre Bruneau]], Esq., merchant, of Quebec, and member of Parliament for that city. Superior in intellect and education and personal attractions, endowed with a rare prudence, she was through life the best wives and the best of mothers. A true woman, neither too forward nor too retiring, a devoted companion and wise counsellor, sympathizing in every thought of her husband, his ideas were her ideas, his friends her friends. With admiration for his character, and full faith in his future, she clung closely to him during his stormy parliamentary career, followed him cheerfully in exile to endure its privations, and, when domiciled in his [[Ottawa]] retreat, she was there rejoicing in his relief from cares, and continuing to exhibit with him, as they had from the beginning, a most perfect example of all that is excellent and to be admired in every relation of married life. Happily she lived till the storms had passed away, and their sacrifices were unfelt, to enjoy a new year's quiet repose and tranquillity in their last home, where she was the idol of her affections privileged to that rest and dignified leisure for which his soul had long yearned, with those cherished companions - the books of his favourite authors - around him. At [[Wikipedia:Montebello, Quebec|Monte-Bello]], on the 18th August, 1862, when apparently in her usual excellent health, surrounded by her children and grandchildren, she was suddenly stricken down, and after half and hour's illness, calmly her spirit winged its departure from a world that her whole life had so adored.


With the arrival of the Earl of [[Wikipedia:George Ramsay, 9th Earl of Dalhousie|Dalhousie]], in June, 1820, commenced a new Parliamentary era. The offer made by the Assembly in 1810 to provide for the whole [[Wikipedia:Civil list|civil list]], always supplemented by drafts on the [[Wikipedia:Her Majesty's Treasury|British treasury]], had been accepted in 1818, and our Parliament was now, when there was a deficiency of L22,000 in the Provincial Chest, called upon to make good its undertaking. Though the act of 1791, which gave to Canada and Assembly that might justly claim all the powers and privileges of the [[Wikipedia:British House of Commons|House of Commons]], was mainly urged on by the English portion of the population - who had a vague notion of its powers - rather than by the French - few of whom had any notion whatever (3) - these English, soon finding themselves in a minority, cared not for the exercise of these powers, while too many of the French, to whom the [[Wikipedia:Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Quebec|clergy]] had preached quiet submission for half a century, and who were all the time charged with disaffection and seditious aspirations, feared that any opposition to the whims of the Executive might give color to the charges of their opponents. Its great value with many members was its use as an inquisition for calling to account obnoxious officials, while others were satisfied in exercising their right of enacting petty laws. Other politicians were occupied with the thousand details of private affairs, of which Mr. Papineau had none. Throwing these to the winds, with his whole soul absorbed in questions of state, he alone grasped the spirit of the [[British constitution]] in its entirety, and alone fully comprehended the positive and paramount authority in many questions conferred by the [[act of 1791]] on the Commons House of Canada. Others were supplied with only the ruder weapons of early warfare; he came fully armed and equipped in the strongest of constitutional armour, with the keenest of weapons, for the grand coming tournament - throughout which the Earl of Dalhousie figured as the champion of colonial misrule, and Papineau as the champion of colonial emancipation.
With the arrival of the Earl of [[Wikipedia:George Ramsay, 9th Earl of Dalhousie|Dalhousie]], in June, 1820, commenced a new Parliamentary era. The offer made by the Assembly in 1810 to provide for the whole [[Wikipedia:Civil list|civil list]], always supplemented by drafts on the [[Wikipedia:Her Majesty's Treasury|British treasury]], had been accepted in 1818, and our Parliament was now, when there was a deficiency of L22,000 in the Provincial Chest, called upon to make good its undertaking. Though the [[Constitutional Act of 1791|act of 1791]], which gave to Canada and Assembly that might justly claim all the powers and privileges of the [[Wikipedia:British House of Commons|House of Commons]], was mainly urged on by the English portion of the population - who had a vague notion of its powers - rather than by the French - few of whom had any notion whatever (3) - these English, soon finding themselves in a minority, cared not for the exercise of these powers, while too many of the French, to whom the [[Wikipedia:Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Quebec|clergy]] had preached quiet submission for half a century, and who were all the time charged with disaffection and seditious aspirations, feared that any opposition to the whims of the Executive might give color to the charges of their opponents. Its great value with many members was its use as an inquisition for calling to account obnoxious officials, while others were satisfied in exercising their right of enacting petty laws. Other politicians were occupied with the thousand details of private affairs, of which Mr. Papineau had none. Throwing these to the winds, with his whole soul absorbed in questions of state, he alone grasped the spirit of the [[British constitution]] in its entirety, and alone fully comprehended the positive and paramount authority in many questions conferred by the act of 1791 on the Commons House of Canada. Others were supplied with only the ruder weapons of early warfare; he came fully armed and equipped in the strongest of constitutional armour, with the keenest of weapons, for the grand coming tournament - throughout which the Earl of Dalhousie figured as the champion of colonial misrule, and Papineau as the champion of colonial emancipation.


Dalhousie, acting under instructions of from the [[Wikipedia:Colonial Office|Colonial Office]] in London, and supported by the Legislative and Executive Councils here, demanded a civil list to be voted ''en bloc'' - a bulk sum, or fixed amount, payable annually for the life of the [[King]], in accordance with British usage. The Assembly would only vote the civil list for a shorter period, by chapters and items; that is, under heads of service, with a stated fixed pay to each official, named separately. There were pluralists, sinecurists, and obnoxious persons that the Assembly sought to get rid of, as a charge upon the revenue, by not voting their pay, while the Councils, friendly to these officials, many of whom were members of their respective bodies, required the money in bulk, that the Governor might in the distribution continue the pay of all. The Councils pleaded British practice; the Assembly denied the analogy; the Commons of England always held many checks against the Executive. Here, with an irresponsible Council to command, and no responsible ministry to be controlled, the Assembly would surrender all its strength should it surrender direct control over all expenditures. Year after year, for a dozen years, came the same demand from the Governor, and the same action on the part of the Assembly; but some expedient was usually devised to bridge over the dispute and pay the officials. The Assembly claimed control over all the revenues of the province. The Governor denied their right of control, except to a portion. There there were irritating side issues. There was a "[[Trade Act]]" for regulating certain commercial matters, and a "[[Tenures Act]]" affecting the holding of land passed against every principle of right (where a local parliament exists) by the British Parliament. The [[Receiver-General]], Sir [[Wikipedia:John Caldwell (seigneur)|John Caldwell]], was, in his refusal to render accounts, defended by the Governor, till his defalcation of more than L100,000 was discovered. There were charges against other officials, and smaller disputes in which the Assembly triumphed in the end; but concessions coming tardily, when they could be no longer withheld, and when new grievances were rolling up were rolled up in magnitude, gave small satisfaction. There is truth in ''[[Wikipedia:List of Latin phrases (A–E)|Bis dat qui cito dat]]'', and he who, and who, on the contrary, gives tardily, only half gives. Between the Assembly and Legislative Council there was perpetual altercation. Our present upper houses approve of bills sent up by the lower, as a matter of course. The Council of that day disapproved as a matter of course; and this continued obstruction to legislation chafed the people to fever-heat. More than three hundred bills passed by one house, were rejected by the other.  
Dalhousie, acting under instructions of from the [[Wikipedia:Colonial Office|Colonial Office]] in London, and supported by the Legislative and Executive Councils here, demanded a civil list to be voted ''en bloc'' - a bulk sum, or fixed amount, payable annually for the life of the [[King]], in accordance with British usage. The Assembly would only vote the civil list for a shorter period, by chapters and items; that is, under heads of service, with a stated fixed pay to each official, named separately. There were pluralists, sinecurists, and obnoxious persons that the Assembly sought to get rid of, as a charge upon the revenue, by not voting their pay, while the Councils, friendly to these officials, many of whom were members of their respective bodies, required the money in bulk, that the Governor might in the distribution continue the pay of all. The Councils pleaded British practice; the Assembly denied the analogy; the Commons of England always held many checks against the Executive. Here, with an irresponsible Council to command, and no responsible ministry to be controlled, the Assembly would surrender all its strength should it surrender direct control over all expenditures. Year after year, for a dozen years, came the same demand from the Governor, and the same action on the part of the Assembly; but some expedient was usually devised to bridge over the dispute and pay the officials. The Assembly claimed control over all the revenues of the province. The Governor denied their right of control, except to a portion. There there were irritating side issues. There was a "[[Trade Act]]" for regulating certain commercial matters, and a "[[Tenures Act]]" affecting the holding of land passed against every principle of right (where a local parliament exists) by the British Parliament. The [[Receiver-General]], Sir [[Wikipedia:John Caldwell (seigneur)|John Caldwell]], was, in his refusal to render accounts, defended by the Governor, till his defalcation of more than L100,000 was discovered. There were charges against other officials, and smaller disputes in which the Assembly triumphed in the end; but concessions coming tardily, when they could be no longer withheld, and when new grievances were rolling up were rolled up in magnitude, gave small satisfaction. There is truth in ''[[Wikipedia:List of Latin phrases (A–E)|Bis dat qui cito dat]]'', and he who, and who, on the contrary, gives tardily, only half gives. Between the Assembly and Legislative Council there was perpetual altercation. Our present upper houses approve of bills sent up by the lower, as a matter of course. The Council of that day disapproved as a matter of course; and this continued obstruction to legislation chafed the people to fever-heat. More than three hundred bills passed by one house, were rejected by the other.  


In 1822, Mr. [[Wikipedia:Edward Ellice (merchant)|Edward Ellice]] would, unknown to the people, have rushed a bill through the British Parliament, for uniting the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, had not Mr. [[Parker]], a retired Canadian merchant, not for any love for Canada, but in mortal hate to Mr. Ellice, for some old trick in trade between them, caused an opposition to be made, which gave time for Lower Canada to depute Mr. Papineau and [[Wikipedia:John Neilson|John Neilson]] to London, with the signature of sixty thousand people, and their representations, aided by Sir [[Wikipedia:James Mackintosh|James Mackintosh]] and Sir [[Wikipedia:Francis Burdett|Francis Burdett]], the project was abandoned.  
In 1822, Mr. [[Wikipedia:Edward Ellice (merchant)|Edward Ellice]] would, unknown to the people, have rushed a bill through the British Parliament, for uniting the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, had not Mr. [[Parker]], a retired Canadian merchant, not for any love for Canada, but in mortal hate to Mr. Ellice, for some old trick in trade between them, caused an opposition to be made, which gave time for Lower Canada to depute Mr. Papineau and [[Wikipedia:John Neilson|John Neilson]] to London, with the signature of sixty thousand people, and their representations, aided by Sir [[Wikipedia:James Mackintosh|James Mackintosh]] and Sir [[Wikipedia:Francis Burdett|Francis Burdett]], the project was abandoned.  
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The session of Parliament meeting in September, 1836, was opened by Lord Gosford with a speech, vague and meaningless, except in showing that no determined attention had been given by the Colonial Office to Canadian complaints. This could be endured no longer. Fourteen years of neglect, procrastinations, prevarications, and delusions, carrying trifling beyond all limits, had exhausted all patience, and the Assembly, rising in their dignity, in the name of an insulted people, replied to the [[address]] (3d October, 1836) that they should adjourn their deliberations until his Majesty's Government should by its acts commence the great work of justice and reform; until grievances were in progress of redress, they would listen to no demand for supplies. This Parliament was prorogued at the end at the end of thirteen days - not one bill having been passed.
The session of Parliament meeting in September, 1836, was opened by Lord Gosford with a speech, vague and meaningless, except in showing that no determined attention had been given by the Colonial Office to Canadian complaints. This could be endured no longer. Fourteen years of neglect, procrastinations, prevarications, and delusions, carrying trifling beyond all limits, had exhausted all patience, and the Assembly, rising in their dignity, in the name of an insulted people, replied to the [[address]] (3d October, 1836) that they should adjourn their deliberations until his Majesty's Government should by its acts commence the great work of justice and reform; until grievances were in progress of redress, they would listen to no demand for supplies. This Parliament was prorogued at the end at the end of thirteen days - not one bill having been passed.


Government was thus left for the fourth year without a vote of supplies; and public officers remained unpaid, though there was L130,000 in the Provincial Chest, which lead to the [[resolutions]] of Lord [[Wikipedia:John Russell, 1st Earl Russell|John Russell]], then [[Wikipedia:Secretary of State for the Colonies|Colonial Secretary]], in March, 1837, enabling Lord Gosford to pay off the arrears out of the Military Chest, to be repaid by the Province thereafter. Thus all the offense, if any there be, in the general agitation of 1837, and the so-called rebellion, must rest at the door of Lord John Russell. Knowledge of these resolutions, presented on the 6th of March, only reached Canada - there being then no ocean steamer - in the middle of April, to be met by a storm of indignation that roused the Province from end to end in [[mass-meetings of whole counties]], organization of political committees, speeches, and hot discussions. No one could foresee that Lord John was to break down in a scare, frightened at himself, and when the news did come that the resolutions were abandoned, though the more sedate remained quiet, the more ardent and the young continued the agitation till November, when [[Wikipedia:Warrant (law)|warrants]] for [[Wikipedia:High treason in the United Kingdom|high treason]] and general arrests brought old questions to an end. There is a momentum in the impulse of masses that can not be suddenly arrested.
Government was thus left for the fourth year without a vote of supplies; and public officers remained unpaid, though there was L130,000 in the Provincial Chest, which lead to the [[The Ten Resolutions of the British House of Commons|resolutions]] of Lord [[Wikipedia:John Russell, 1st Earl Russell|John Russell]], then [[Wikipedia:Secretary of State for the Colonies|Colonial Secretary]], in March, 1837, enabling Lord Gosford to pay off the arrears out of the Military Chest, to be repaid by the Province thereafter. Thus all the offense, if any there be, in the general agitation of 1837, and the so-called rebellion, must rest at the door of Lord John Russell. Knowledge of these resolutions, presented on the 6th of March, only reached Canada - there being then no ocean steamer - in the middle of April, to be met by a storm of indignation that roused the Province from end to end in [[mass-meetings of whole counties]], organization of political committees, speeches, and hot discussions. No one could foresee that Lord John was to break down in a scare, frightened at himself, and when the news did come that the resolutions were abandoned, though the more sedate remained quiet, the more ardent and the young continued the agitation till November, when [[Wikipedia:Warrant (law)|warrants]] for [[Wikipedia:High treason in the United Kingdom|high treason]] and general arrests brought old questions to an end. There is a momentum in the impulse of masses that can not be suddenly arrested.


Though the word is familiar to us, future historians may hardly admit that there ever was a Lower Canada rebellion, and the whole record may be reduced  to read that the proceedings of the Colonial Office, in 1837, caused such excitement that towards the end of the year Lord Gosford, fearing a revolt, directed the [[Wikipedia:Attorney General|Attorney-General]] to obtain warrants for high treason against several leading men, which the judges, there not being sufficient grounds of action, would not grant; and recourse was then had to the weak instrumentality of two magistrates. Many arrests were made of persons against whom there was no charge; many escaped them by going to the United States. Three persons only - Doctor [[Wikipedia:Wolfred Nelson|Nelson]] at St. Denis, [[Wikipedia:Thomas Storrow Brown|T. S. Brown]] at St. Charles, and Doctor [[Wikipedia:Jean-Olivier Chénier|Chénier]] at [[Wikipedia:Saint-Eustache, Quebec|St. Eustache]] - headed resistance to these illegal warrants, which ended speedily in the dispersion of their adherents. Elsewhere, men where quietly pursuing their usual course of life, employed in their usual occupations.
Though the word is familiar to us, future historians may hardly admit that there ever was a Lower Canada rebellion, and the whole record may be reduced  to read that the proceedings of the Colonial Office, in 1837, caused such excitement that towards the end of the year Lord Gosford, fearing a revolt, directed the [[Wikipedia:Attorney General|Attorney-General]] to obtain warrants for high treason against several leading men, which the judges, there not being sufficient grounds of action, would not grant; and recourse was then had to the weak instrumentality of two magistrates. Many arrests were made of persons against whom there was no charge; many escaped them by going to the United States. Three persons only - Doctor [[Wikipedia:Wolfred Nelson|Nelson]] at St. Denis, [[Wikipedia:Thomas Storrow Brown|T. S. Brown]] at St. Charles, and Doctor [[Wikipedia:Jean-Olivier Chénier|Chénier]] at [[Wikipedia:Saint-Eustache, Quebec|St. Eustache]] - headed resistance to these illegal warrants, which ended speedily in the dispersion of their adherents. Elsewhere, men where quietly pursuing their usual course of life, employed in their usual occupations.
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In the so-called Rebellion, his responsibility was only that of one among many. The people, educated by him to a consciousness of their right to a government giving them the control of their own affairs, had become bold in their determination to accept nothing less, and he in 1837 had become less a leader than one marching with or impelled by them. Nothing with him was hidden or private. For his public teachings only was he responsible; and what were they? They may be found in the published speech made by him at the great [[meeting of the county of Montreal]], in May 1837, and speeches at many county meetings held in that year, ending with the [[meeting of the five counties at St. Charles]], on the 23d October. From hence to below Quebec, east and west, county meetings were held, and the roads he traversed from parish to parish were thronged with the populace; houses by the way-side were draped with flowers and flags; miles in length on horseback and in carriages escorted his march. But they were peaceful ovations; there were few symbols of war, and multitudes gathered round when he spoke, listening for hours to his eloquence; and what were his teachings? The people were exhorted to continue firm in support of their representatives in Parliament, with a new instruction to promote non-intercourse with Great Britain, by ceasing as far as possible from the use of her products, and to abstain as far as possible from the use of all duty-paying articles, to diminish by such sacrifices a revenue that was only paid to be stolen. The world would then see the earnestness of determination, and the British people be aroused to the danger of longer neglecting their remonstrances. This, with all right and justice on his side, he deemed sufficient to insure in the end the desired results; never advocating armed resistance or sanctioning arming or military preparations. At an important meeting of the principle men of his party, held in a previous year, one of the greatest influence (he soon after went over to Lord Gosford), who proposed as the most effectual measure of redress the purchase of twenty stand of arms, was at once put down by Mr. Papineau. In the summer of 1837, he severely reprimanded the writer of this article for making quiet inquiries in New York about the purchase of muskets. With the organization of the "[[Sons of Liberty]]", whose daring proceeding tended so much to bring on the final crisis, neither he nor any man of long prominent political standing, or member of Parliament, was concerned. The young men, rank and file of the party in Montreal, tired of the timid councils of the older, organized, not so much for immediate action as for the future defense of their political chiefs, who dreaded precipitancy and indiscretions, and few offered any encouragement; though recognition was forced upon them when it reached a sudden importance, and was hailed by the popular voice as a new power.
In the so-called Rebellion, his responsibility was only that of one among many. The people, educated by him to a consciousness of their right to a government giving them the control of their own affairs, had become bold in their determination to accept nothing less, and he in 1837 had become less a leader than one marching with or impelled by them. Nothing with him was hidden or private. For his public teachings only was he responsible; and what were they? They may be found in the published speech made by him at the great [[meeting of the county of Montreal]], in May 1837, and speeches at many county meetings held in that year, ending with the [[meeting of the five counties at St. Charles]], on the 23d October. From hence to below Quebec, east and west, county meetings were held, and the roads he traversed from parish to parish were thronged with the populace; houses by the way-side were draped with flowers and flags; miles in length on horseback and in carriages escorted his march. But they were peaceful ovations; there were few symbols of war, and multitudes gathered round when he spoke, listening for hours to his eloquence; and what were his teachings? The people were exhorted to continue firm in support of their representatives in Parliament, with a new instruction to promote non-intercourse with Great Britain, by ceasing as far as possible from the use of her products, and to abstain as far as possible from the use of all duty-paying articles, to diminish by such sacrifices a revenue that was only paid to be stolen. The world would then see the earnestness of determination, and the British people be aroused to the danger of longer neglecting their remonstrances. This, with all right and justice on his side, he deemed sufficient to insure in the end the desired results; never advocating armed resistance or sanctioning arming or military preparations. At an important meeting of the principle men of his party, held in a previous year, one of the greatest influence (he soon after went over to Lord Gosford), who proposed as the most effectual measure of redress the purchase of twenty stand of arms, was at once put down by Mr. Papineau. In the summer of 1837, he severely reprimanded the writer of this article for making quiet inquiries in New York about the purchase of muskets. With the organization of the "[[Sons of Liberty]]", whose daring proceeding tended so much to bring on the final crisis, neither he nor any man of long prominent political standing, or member of Parliament, was concerned. The young men, rank and file of the party in Montreal, tired of the timid councils of the older, organized, not so much for immediate action as for the future defense of their political chiefs, who dreaded precipitancy and indiscretions, and few offered any encouragement; though recognition was forced upon them when it reached a sudden importance, and was hailed by the popular voice as a new power.


The organization was in two divisions - one political, with president and the usual officers; the other military, under six chiefs of sections; and the writer of this article, who wrote [[their manifesto]], on which the warrant of high treason against him is supposed to have been founded, was elected their general. When their last meeting (6th November, 1837) led to riots, political arrests, and [[martial law]], Mr. Papineau left the city for the [[Richelieu country]], where Dr. Wolfred Nelson, independently, on his own responsibility, had determined on armed resistance to the warrant sent for his apprehension. By the merest of accidents, the writer of this arrived a week later, also independently, without any consultation with anyone of note, to establish a camp at St. Charles, as a rallying point of safety. Mr. Papineau was present at both places; at St. Charles only twice, where he only stopped a short time when passing, merely as a looker-on. He remained at St. Hyacinthe till after both camps were dispersed, when he retired across the lines to pass the winter in Albany. A warrant for high treason had been issued, and one thousand pounds offered for his apprehension. *
The organization was in two divisions - one political, with president and the usual officers; the other military, under six chiefs of sections; and the writer of this article, who wrote [[Address of the Fils de la liberté of Montreal to the young people of the colonies of North America|their manifesto]], on which the warrant of high treason against him is supposed to have been founded, was elected their general. When their last meeting (6th November, 1837) led to riots, political arrests, and [[Wikipedia:martial law|martial law]], Mr. Papineau left the city for the [[Richelieu country]], where Dr. Wolfred Nelson, independently, on his own responsibility, had determined on armed resistance to the warrant sent for his apprehension. By the merest of accidents, the writer of this arrived a week later, also independently, without any consultation with anyone of note, to establish a camp at St. Charles, as a rallying point of safety. Mr. Papineau was present at both places; at St. Charles only twice, where he only stopped a short time when passing, merely as a looker-on. He remained at St. Hyacinthe till after both camps were dispersed, when he retired across the lines to pass the winter in Albany. A warrant for high treason had been issued, and one thousand pounds offered for his apprehension. *


In 1839, Mr. Papineau visited France, where he remained till 1847 [''sic''], in quiet life, devoting himself to studies that were made most interesting by the intellectual treasures at his command, especially in all things relating to the earlier history of Canada, and to the society of congenial spirits, who so abound in Paris. A ''nolle prosequi'' in his case, unsolicited by him, entered in the court of Montreal in 1843,(t) and rightly too; for the information and proceedings on which a warrant for his arrest had been issued, and one thousand pounds reward offered for his capture, must have been contemptible in the extreme. The whole record would be interesting for publication now; but it was removed from the archives of the court here, and possibly destroyed by those who saw the shame such outrageous proceedings brought upon their party.
In 1839, Mr. Papineau visited France, where he remained till 1847 [''sic''], in quiet life, devoting himself to studies that were made most interesting by the intellectual treasures at his command, especially in all things relating to the earlier history of Canada, and to the society of congenial spirits, who so abound in Paris. A ''nolle prosequi'' in his case, unsolicited by him, entered in the court of Montreal in 1843,(t) and rightly too; for the information and proceedings on which a warrant for his arrest had been issued, and one thousand pounds reward offered for his capture, must have been contemptible in the extreme. The whole record would be interesting for publication now; but it was removed from the archives of the court here, and possibly destroyed by those who saw the shame such outrageous proceedings brought upon their party.
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This left him in law precisely where he stood before the proceedings against him were instituted. Here was an acknowledgement that there had never been grounds for action. There was nothing to pardon, nothing to require [[amnesty]]. He had been driven into exile, with a price on his head, only to be told at the end of six years that the authorities were all in the wrong. Though free to return to the country when he pleased - safe from molestation - he only came four years afterwards. Four years of salary as Speaker of the House of Assembly, which in past years he refused to accept from the Governor, stood at his credit in the books of the Province, and was of right paid to him.
This left him in law precisely where he stood before the proceedings against him were instituted. Here was an acknowledgement that there had never been grounds for action. There was nothing to pardon, nothing to require [[amnesty]]. He had been driven into exile, with a price on his head, only to be told at the end of six years that the authorities were all in the wrong. Though free to return to the country when he pleased - safe from molestation - he only came four years afterwards. Four years of salary as Speaker of the House of Assembly, which in past years he refused to accept from the Governor, stood at his credit in the books of the Province, and was of right paid to him.


Called again to public life by election to Parliament for the [[county of St. Maurice]] in 1847, and afterwards for the [[county of Two Mountains]], he found himself alone in the House, and without a party. The Assembly he had commanded was composed of gentlemen sacrificing self and disinterestedly working for the country's liberties. The House he singly entered was composed to much of "professionals" - all self - contending for prizes and public purses. He who had predicted that America would give republics to Europe, could ill endure what he considered a bastard offspring of monarchy taking growth here. Led by books, he was, in early life, an open admirer of the [[British constitution]], till observation of its practice disgusted him with the fictions in its working. Instead of three [[estates]] of theory, he had seen previous to the [[Reform Bill of 1832]], the monarchy and the multitude, practically, almost annihilated by an oligarchical supremacy; and from that date, the waves of the multitude gradually encroaching on "king" and "lords" to a threatening of their entire extinction. The constitution of the United States was to him the perfection of human wisdom, and the essence of British ideal of freedom, or "constitution", stripped of its excrescences, practically developed in the only fit form for American communities: and in his sincerity and singleness of purpose, he could tolerate nothing dissimilar for Canada.
Called again to public life by election to Parliament for the [[county of St. Maurice]] in 1847, and afterwards for the [[county of Two Mountains]], he found himself alone in the House, and without a party. The Assembly he had commanded was composed of gentlemen sacrificing self and disinterestedly working for the country's liberties. The House he singly entered was composed to much of "professionals" - all self - contending for prizes and public purses. He who had predicted that America would give republics to Europe, could ill endure what he considered a bastard offspring of monarchy taking growth here. Led by books, he was, in early life, an open admirer of the [[British constitution]], till observation of its practice disgusted him with the fictions in its working. Instead of three [[estates]] of theory, he had seen previous to the [[Wikipedia:Reform Act 1832|Reform Bill of 1832]], the monarchy and the multitude, practically, almost annihilated by an oligarchical supremacy; and from that date, the waves of the multitude gradually encroaching on "king" and "lords" to a threatening of their entire extinction. The constitution of the United States was to him the perfection of human wisdom, and the essence of British ideal of freedom, or "constitution", stripped of its excrescences, practically developed in the only fit form for American communities: and in his sincerity and singleness of purpose, he could tolerate nothing dissimilar for Canada.


Small reasoners have spoken of Mr. Papineau as one possessed of no administrative or practical ideas of government, but a turbulent orator, impracticable and obstructive, excelling only in opposition or the work of demolition, and incapable to construct or to improve.  
Small reasoners have spoken of Mr. Papineau as one possessed of no administrative or practical ideas of government, but a turbulent orator, impracticable and obstructive, excelling only in opposition or the work of demolition, and incapable to construct or to improve.  


On the contrary, making the [[science]] and [[philosophy of government]] the study of his life, and watchful of its workings everywhere, he was - though perhaps before the time of Canada - admirably fitted to construct and direct; but before erecting a new edifice the rubbish of the old was to be swept away down to its foundations, as it was in 1843. Determined to obtain for the people and their Parliament all their rights of British subjects, he sought to demolish the little clique of officials who had usurped the patronage and powers of government, and on principle opposed all palliative measures of expediency that might, by satisfying many, give permanency to things as they were, and prolong or perpetuate the existence of a system that could never work for good. With his hand to plow, he looked not back, nor to the right or to the left, but straight onward, where the furrow, opening the new, and burying the old, should be laid; and determined in his purpose, nobly supported by his countrymen, contended to labour and to wait; he only asked in the beginning, and continued to ask, what in the end was cheerfully conceded by Great Britain to all her colonies.
On the contrary, making the [[Wikipedia:Political science|science]] and [[Wikipedia:Political philosophy|philosophy of government]] the study of his life, and watchful of its workings everywhere, he was - though perhaps before the time of Canada - admirably fitted to construct and direct; but before erecting a new edifice the rubbish of the old was to be swept away down to its foundations, as it was in 1843. Determined to obtain for the people and their Parliament all their rights of British subjects, he sought to demolish the little clique of officials who had usurped the patronage and powers of government, and on principle opposed all palliative measures of expediency that might, by satisfying many, give permanency to things as they were, and prolong or perpetuate the existence of a system that could never work for good. With his hand to plow, he looked not back, nor to the right or to the left, but straight onward, where the furrow, opening the new, and burying the old, should be laid; and determined in his purpose, nobly supported by his countrymen, contended to labour and to wait; he only asked in the beginning, and continued to ask, what in the end was cheerfully conceded by Great Britain to all her colonies.


To appreciate the magnitude of reform for which the subjects of Great Britain are indebted to this iron will and undaunted determination, the present generation must be told of British colonies scattered everywhere upon the earth's surface, each with a so-called constitutional government, composed, as modelled upon the home system, of an "Assembly," to correspond with the "Commons;" "Legislative Council," to correspond with the "Lords;" and some old military officer as Governor, to correspond with the "King." In theory this was a free government, but in early days the garrison was law to a colony as it is today to a village, and the people willingly permitted Governors, mere puppets in the hands of councillors and officials, to rule as arbitrarily as the Governor of a Spanish dependency, who was " ''Jeneral de los Reales Exereillos, Gobernador politico y Militar de la ____ ____ y sus Provincias, y  Gefe de la Real Hacienda.'' ". *
To appreciate the magnitude of reform for which the subjects of Great Britain are indebted to this iron will and undaunted determination, the present generation must be told of British colonies scattered everywhere upon the earth's surface, each with a so-called constitutional government, composed, as modelled upon the home system, of an "Assembly," to correspond with the "Commons;" "Legislative Council," to correspond with the "Lords;" and some old military officer as Governor, to correspond with the "King." In theory this was a free government, but in early days the garrison was law to a colony as it is today to a village, and the people willingly permitted Governors, mere puppets in the hands of councillors and officials, to rule as arbitrarily as the Governor of a Spanish dependency, who was " ''Jeneral de los Reales Exereillos, Gobernador politico y Militar de la ____ ____ y sus Provincias, y  Gefe de la Real Hacienda.'' ". *
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== Author's Notes ==
== Author's Notes ==


* The late Mr. [[Jacob Dewitt]] and I met no end of obstacles in the small matter of procuring a charter for our City Bank. In the first year the bill was lost. In the second it passed both houses; but was reserved for his Majesty's pleasure. Six directors of the [[Bank of Montreal]] and [[Quebec branch]] were in the Council. About a year afterwards a lady wrote me that her husband, then in London, had requested her to inform me that the bill had been returned with approval. Our Parliament being in session, I wrote to Mr. Dewitt to move for the despatch. He replied, that he would not, as in answer to a recent address for ''all'' despatches received, the Governor had, as he declared, sent them down, and there was nothing about the bank. I again urged him to move, regardless of usage. He did so, and down came the bill, approved, except in a useless clause about a forgery, that Parliament struck out, and thus our second bank got its charter, 1833. - T.S.B.
* The late Mr. [[Wikipedia:Jacob De Witt|Jacob Dewitt]] and I met no end of obstacles in the small matter of procuring a charter for our [[City Bank]]. In the first year the bill was lost. In the second it passed both houses; but was reserved for his Majesty's pleasure. Six directors of the [[Wikipedia:Bank of Montreal|Bank of Montreal]] and [[Quebec branch]] were in the Council. About a year afterwards a lady wrote me that her husband, then in London, had requested her to inform me that the bill had been returned with approval. Our Parliament being in session, I wrote to Mr. Dewitt to move for the despatch. He replied, that he would not, as in answer to a recent address for ''all'' despatches received, the Governor had, as he declared, sent them down, and there was nothing about the bank. I again urged him to move, regardless of usage. He did so, and down came the bill, approved, except in a useless clause about a forgery, that Parliament struck out, and thus our second bank got its charter, 1833. - T.S.B.


* Landing at St. Charles on the 18th November, I had not seen nor heard of Mr. Papineau for two weeks, and knew nothing of his whereabouts, when, by a singular coincidence, I met him and Doctor Wolfred Nelson on the bank. They were from St. Denis, and at that exact moment were passing up to St. Mathias. He visited me after I was established; but neither counselled nor advised, for I wished him to be free from all implication with what I supposed would be a general uprising of the people, that he would neither arrest or control, and in reserve for negotiations with the authorities, that I thought would follow. When parties, with whom I had no connection, organized an invasion of Canada in the winter of 1838, I went to Albany purposely to learn his opinion, and found that all was done without his concurrence or knowledge or approval. I found him, moreover, surrounded by personal friends of President Van Buren - the then rulers of New York - who, determined on the enforcement of neutrality laws to prevent misunderstandings with Great Britain, were directly opposed to such movements. - T.S.B.
* Landing at St. Charles on the 18th November, I had not seen nor heard of Mr. Papineau for two weeks, and knew nothing of his whereabouts, when, by a singular coincidence, I met him and Doctor Wolfred Nelson on the bank. They were from St. Denis, and at that exact moment were passing up to St. Mathias. He visited me after I was established; but neither counselled nor advised, for I wished him to be free from all implication with what I supposed would be a general uprising of the people, that he would neither arrest or control, and in reserve for negotiations with the authorities, that I thought would follow. When parties, with whom I had no connection, organized an invasion of Canada in the winter of 1838, I went to Albany purposely to learn his opinion, and found that all was done without his concurrence or knowledge or approval. I found him, moreover, surrounded by personal friends of President Van Buren - the then rulers of New York - who, determined on the enforcement of neutrality laws to prevent misunderstandings with Great Britain, were directly opposed to such movements. - T.S.B.
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