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Gregory Baum on nationalism by Gérald LeBlanc in La Presse Saturday, February 16, 2002 (http://www.vigile.net/archives/ds-souv/docs/nation-baum.html)
{{Title|Gregory Baum on nationalism|[[Gérald LeBlanc]]|in ''La Presse'', Saturday, February 16, 2002}}
 
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Unofficial translation of ''[http://www.vigile.net/archives/ds-souv/docs/nation-baum.html Gregory Baum sur le nationalisme]'' by Gérald LeBlanc in ''La Presse'', Saturday, February 16, 2002
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Professor Gregory Baum, 78 years old, is one of the rare intellectuals of Quebec to circulate on the two sides of the linguistic border. On the occasion of the publication of his last book, ''Le Nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses'', our journalist met with him.


Born in Berlin in 1923 of a Protestant father and a Jewish mother, Gregory Baum converted to Catholicism, gave up promising studies in mathematics to become a theologist, took refuge in Canada, where he was initially interned during the war, was a professor for 28 years at the University of Toronto and teaches in Montreal since 1986.
Professor Gregory Baum, 78 years old, is one of the rare intellectuals of Quebec who circulates on the two sides of the linguistic border. On the occasion of the publication of his last book, ''Le Nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses'', our journalist met with him.
 
Born in Berlin in 1923 of a Protestant father and a Jewish mother, Gregory Baum converted to Catholicism, gave up promising studies in mathematics to become a theologist, took refuge in Canada, where he was initially interned during the war, was a professor for 28 years at the [[w:University of Toronto|University of Toronto]] and teaches in Montreal since 1986.


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It is almost unjust to state his age, since this man carries who's always smiling carries his 78 years very well and do not at all prevent him from giving his courses at [[w:McGill University|McGill University]], conferences throughout the world - in German, English and French -, and counselling the bishops as well as writing books.
TO BE TRANSLATED


C'est presque injuste de dire son âge, tellement cet homme au sourire inébranlable porte bien les 78 ans qui ne l'empêchent aucunement de donner ses cours à l'Université McGill, de donner des conférences à travers le monde - en allemand, en anglais et en français -, de conseiller les évêques et d'écrire des livres.
His 21st book, ''Nationalism, Religion and Ethics'', is on sale since recently. It is an essay on the conditions required for nationalism to be acceptable, nationalism being this multiform reality, sometimes [[w:imperialism|imperialist]], sometimes [[w:anticolonialism|anticolonialist]], sometimes liberating and sometimes destructive.


Son 21e livre, Nationalism, Religion and Ethics, est en vente depuis peu. C'est un essai sur les conditions requises pour que soit acceptable le nationalisme, cette réalité multiforme, tantôt impérialiste et tantôt anticolonialiste, tantôt libératrice et tantôt destructrice.
Before examining this important work, translated into French as ''Le Nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses'', it is necessary to return to its author, a man who never ceased throwing bridges between religions and men, particularly between Canadians and Quebecers.


Avant d'examiner cet important ouvrage, traduit en français sous le titre Le Nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses, il faut revenir à son auteur, un homme qui n'a cessé de jeter des ponts entre les religions et entre les hommes, tout particulièrement entre Canadiens et Québécois.
"Everyone likes me, it is my neurosis", says he, with his eternal good child smile, when one asks him how he manages to unceasingly adapt to new ideas and new individuals.


«Tout le monde m'aime, c'est ma névrose», lance-t-il, avec son éternel sourire bon enfant, quand on lui demande comment il fait pour s'adapter sans cesse à de nouvelles idées et à de nouvelles gens.
For 16 years in Montreal, he has been one of the rare intellectuals to circulate regularly across the two sides of the linguistic border, teaching at McGill but collaborating closely with the teams of the ''[[Relations]]'' journal and the ''[[Justice et Foi]]'' group. "To my friends at the Centre justice et foi", did he dedicate his last work.


Depuis 16 ans à Montréal, il est un des rares intellectuels à circuler régulièrement des deux côtés de la frontière linguistique, enseignant à McGill mais collaborant étroitement avec les équipes de la revue Relations et du groupe Justice et Foi. «To my friends at le Centre justice et foi», a-t-il justement dédicacé son dernier ouvrage.
== Montréal or Toronto? ==


Montréal ou Toronto?
It is not necessary to ask to the bridge thrower to choose between Montreal and Toronto, the metropolises of Quebec and Canada.


Inutile de demander au jeteur de ponts de choisir entre Montréal et Toronto, les métropoles du Québec et du Canada.
"When I am in Toronto, I am well. It is the same thing in Montréal, because I discover a city through the friends that I make there. In Toronto, I militated in the left-wing groups, the [[Canadian Civil Liberty Association]] and the [[w:New Democratic Party|New Democratic Party]].


«Quand je suis à Toronto, je suis bien. C'est la même chose à Montréal, car je découvre une ville à travers les amis que je m'y fais. À Toronto, je militais dans les groupes de gauche, la Canadian Civil Liberty Association et le Nouveau Parti démocratique.
"In Montreal, where the French-speaking people welcomed me with opened arms, I also found myself in the Christian circles of the left, in particular with the ''[[Ligue des droits de la personne]]'' and among the [[Jesuits]] of ''Relations''."


«À Montréal, où les francophones m'ont accueilli à bras ouverts, je me suis aussi retrouvé dans les milieux chrétiens de gauche, notamment à la Ligue des droits de la personne et chez les jésuites de la revue Relations.»
Nationalist in Toronto, Gregory Baum was also nationalist in Montreal, but discovered here an enormous difference between the two forms of attachment to the nation.


Nationaliste à Toronto, Gregory Baum l'a aussi été à Montréal, mais a découvert ici une énorme différence entre les deux formes d'attachement à la nation.
"My Quebec friends, whether [[w:Liberal Party of Quebec|liberal]] or [[w:Parti Quebecois|pequist]] - he does not see a fundamental difference between [[w:Sovereignty-Association Movement|Sovereignty-Association]] and the [[renewed federalism]] of those who recognize Quebec as a nation - were all nationalists. I thus looked closer into this current, which did so much damage in my country of origin. It is then that I studied four important religious thinkers to highlight the ethical standards allowing one to find himself in this complex and polymorphic current."


«Mes amis québécois, qu'ils soient libéraux ou péquistes - il ne voit pas de différence fondamentale entre la souveraineté-association et le fédéralisme renouvelé de ceux qui reconnaissent le Québec comme nation - étaient tous nationalistes. Je me suis donc penché sur ce courant, qui a fait tant de mal dans mon pays d'origine. C'est alors que j'ai étudié quatre grands penseurs religieux pour dégager les normes éthiques permettant de se retrouver dans ce courant complexe et polymorphe.»
In Toronto, nationalism was, according to professor Baum, the business of the intellectuals and a few politicians who wanted to prevent American invasion, while in Quebec it is a popular movement.


À Toronto, le nationalisme était, selon le professeur Baum, l'affaire des intellectuels et de quelques politiciens qui voulaient empêcher l'envahissement américain, tandis qu'au Québec c'est un mouvement populaire.
"Quebec nationalism is deeply rooted in the experience of a people, conscious that the identity shared by the majority of its members does not find its rightful place in the space which it is being assigned inside the Canadian federation", he writes in the epilogue of his last book.


«Le nationalisme québécois est profondément enraciné dans l'expérience d'un peuple, conscient que l'identité partagée par la plupart de ses membres ne trouve pas sa place dans l'espace que lui assigne la fédération canadienne», écrit-il dans l'épilogue de son dernier livre.
This last chapter was added at the request of the editor to force the author to position himself personally and to give his opinion on the nationalist struggle shaking Quebec.


Ce dernier chapitre a été ajouté à la demande de l'éditeur pour forcer l'auteur à se situer personnellement et à prendre position dans la lutte nationaliste qui secoue le Québec.
He takes the occasion of this chapter to write about a people rooted in 300 years of history and eager to welcome others as full citizens. A movement complying, according to him, to the norms enacted by the bishops in 1979 and which we reproduce in the encadré.


Il en profite pour parler d'un peuple enraciné dans 300 ans d'histoire et désireux d'accueillir les autres comme citoyens à part entière. Un mouvement répondant, selon lui, aux normes édictées par les évêques en 1979 et que nous reproduisons en encadré.
Gregory Baum would rather that Quebec remains inside Canada, but for as a long as Canada will not be able to recognize the nation of Quebec - also those of the aboriginals -, he will vote YES in the referendums on the sovereignty of Quebec.


Gregory Baum aimerait mieux que le Québec reste à l'intérieur du Canada, mais aussi longtemps que ce dernier ne pourra reconnaître la nation du Québec -aussi celles des autochtones-, il votera OUI aux référendums sur la souveraineté du Québec.
== The English do not understand ==


Les Anglais ne peuvent comprendre
If things seem so clear and so easy to understand for a citizen of German extraction having lived 28 years in Toronto, how is it then that the majority of the English Canadians, and even of Anglo-Quebecers, do not recognize the legitimacy of the linguistic and national claims of Quebec?


Si les choses semblent si claires et si faciles à comprendre pour un citoyen d'origine allemande ayant vécu 28 ans à Toronto, comment se fait-il que la majorité des Anglo-Canadiens, et même des Anglo-Québécois, ne reconnaissent pas la légitimité des revendications linguistiques et nationales du Québec?
"Immigrants, writes he, know how fragile their language is, but I discovered that the English speakers, whose language makes it possible to come into contact with the rest of the world, seize only with great difficulty the brittleness of the other languages." One should not, according to him, see mischievousness there, but an incapacity arising from the status of the English language in the contemporary world, for the first time a universal tool of communication.


«Les immigrants, écrit-il, savent eux comment fragile est leur langue, mais j'ai découvert que les anglophones, dont la langue permet d'entrer en contact avec le reste du monde, ne saisissent que très difficilement la fragilité des autres langues.» Il ne faut pas, selon lui, y voir de la malice, mais une incapacité découlant du statut de la langue anglaise dans le monde contemporain, pour la première fois un outil universel de communication.
"It is possible, he adds, to move to Montreal, to teach there for 25 years in an English-speaking university without learning how to speak French. Not knowing the language, not living closely with French-speaking Quebecers and not getting their information from their media, the English cannot understand the importance of the status of nation for Quebecers.


«Il est possible, ajoute-t-il, de déménager à Montréal, d'y enseigner pendant 25 ans dans une université anglophone sans apprendre à parler le français. Ne connaissant pas la langue, ne côtoyant pas intimement les Québécois francophones et ne s'informant pas dans leurs médias, les Anglais ne peuvent pas comprendre l'importance du statut de nation pour les Québécois.
"I believe, he says, that the majority of the English Canadians do not realize that by defining Canada as a country made out of 10 equal provinces, the Constitution of 1982 violated the conscience that Quebec has of forming a distinct nation.


«Je crois, ajoute-t-il, que la plupart des Anglo-Canadiens ne se rendent pas compte qu'en définissant le Canada comme un pays fait de 10 provinces égales, la Constitution de 1982 violait la conscience qu'a le Québec de former une nation distincte.
"Unless one has had a personal experience of this distinct nature and has been a witness to the spontaneous conscience that Quebecers have of it, it is impossible for the remainder of the country to understand what the status of nation for Quebec represents here.


«À moins d'avoir une expérience personnelle de ce caractère distinct et d'avoir été témoin de la conscience spontanée qu'en ont les Québécois, il est impossible pour le reste du pays de comprendre ce que représente ici le statut de nation du Québec.
"It is ironic and even dramatic, he adds during the interview, that it is French-speaking people from Québec, initially Pierre Trudeau then [[w:Jean Chrétien|Jean Chrétien]] and [[w:Stéphane Dion|Stéphane Dion]], who convinced English speakers of the accuracy of their vision of Canada as only one nation."


«Il est ironique et même dramatique, ajoute-t-il en entrevue, que ce soient des francophones du Québec, d'abord Pierre Trudeau puis Jean Chrétien et Stéphane Dion, qui aient convaincu les anglophones de la justesse de leur vision d'une seule nation au Canada.»
This incapacity of Canadians to put themselves in the skin of Quebecers became so obvious to Gregory Baum and his wife, originating from Ontario, that they avoid talking about Quebec when they visit his step-family.


Cette incapacité des Canadiens de se mettre dans la peau des Québécois est devenue tellement évidente pour Gregory Baum et sa femme, originaire de l'Ontario, qu'on évite de parler du Québec lorsqu'on visite la belle-famille.
* ''Le nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses'', Gregory Baum, translated from English by Albert Beaudry, Éditions Bellarmin, 1998, 196 pages.
* "Nationalism, Religion and Ethics", Gregory Baum, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001, 165 pages.


* * *
== See also ==
* [[Ethical Reflections on Bill 101]] by Gregory Baum


* Le nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses, Gregory Baum, traduction de l'anglais par Albert Beaudry, Éditions Bellarmin, 1998, 196 pages.
{{GFDL}}


* Nationalism, Religion and Ethics, Gregory Baum, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001, 165 pages.
[[Category:Press articles]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:20th century]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2007]]

Latest revision as of 18:21, 29 January 2011


Gregory Baum on nationalism
in La Presse, Saturday, February 16, 2002




Unofficial translation of Gregory Baum sur le nationalisme by Gérald LeBlanc in La Presse, Saturday, February 16, 2002



Professor Gregory Baum, 78 years old, is one of the rare intellectuals of Quebec who circulates on the two sides of the linguistic border. On the occasion of the publication of his last book, Le Nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses, our journalist met with him.

Born in Berlin in 1923 of a Protestant father and a Jewish mother, Gregory Baum converted to Catholicism, gave up promising studies in mathematics to become a theologist, took refuge in Canada, where he was initially interned during the war, was a professor for 28 years at the University of Toronto and teaches in Montreal since 1986.

It is almost unjust to state his age, since this man carries who's always smiling carries his 78 years very well and do not at all prevent him from giving his courses at McGill University, conferences throughout the world - in German, English and French -, and counselling the bishops as well as writing books.

His 21st book, Nationalism, Religion and Ethics, is on sale since recently. It is an essay on the conditions required for nationalism to be acceptable, nationalism being this multiform reality, sometimes imperialist, sometimes anticolonialist, sometimes liberating and sometimes destructive.

Before examining this important work, translated into French as Le Nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses, it is necessary to return to its author, a man who never ceased throwing bridges between religions and men, particularly between Canadians and Quebecers.

"Everyone likes me, it is my neurosis", says he, with his eternal good child smile, when one asks him how he manages to unceasingly adapt to new ideas and new individuals.

For 16 years in Montreal, he has been one of the rare intellectuals to circulate regularly across the two sides of the linguistic border, teaching at McGill but collaborating closely with the teams of the Relations journal and the Justice et Foi group. "To my friends at the Centre justice et foi", did he dedicate his last work.

Montréal or Toronto?

It is not necessary to ask to the bridge thrower to choose between Montreal and Toronto, the metropolises of Quebec and Canada.

"When I am in Toronto, I am well. It is the same thing in Montréal, because I discover a city through the friends that I make there. In Toronto, I militated in the left-wing groups, the Canadian Civil Liberty Association and the New Democratic Party.

"In Montreal, where the French-speaking people welcomed me with opened arms, I also found myself in the Christian circles of the left, in particular with the Ligue des droits de la personne and among the Jesuits of Relations."

Nationalist in Toronto, Gregory Baum was also nationalist in Montreal, but discovered here an enormous difference between the two forms of attachment to the nation.

"My Quebec friends, whether liberal or pequist - he does not see a fundamental difference between Sovereignty-Association and the renewed federalism of those who recognize Quebec as a nation - were all nationalists. I thus looked closer into this current, which did so much damage in my country of origin. It is then that I studied four important religious thinkers to highlight the ethical standards allowing one to find himself in this complex and polymorphic current."

In Toronto, nationalism was, according to professor Baum, the business of the intellectuals and a few politicians who wanted to prevent American invasion, while in Quebec it is a popular movement.

"Quebec nationalism is deeply rooted in the experience of a people, conscious that the identity shared by the majority of its members does not find its rightful place in the space which it is being assigned inside the Canadian federation", he writes in the epilogue of his last book.

This last chapter was added at the request of the editor to force the author to position himself personally and to give his opinion on the nationalist struggle shaking Quebec.

He takes the occasion of this chapter to write about a people rooted in 300 years of history and eager to welcome others as full citizens. A movement complying, according to him, to the norms enacted by the bishops in 1979 and which we reproduce in the encadré.

Gregory Baum would rather that Quebec remains inside Canada, but for as a long as Canada will not be able to recognize the nation of Quebec - also those of the aboriginals -, he will vote YES in the referendums on the sovereignty of Quebec.

The English do not understand

If things seem so clear and so easy to understand for a citizen of German extraction having lived 28 years in Toronto, how is it then that the majority of the English Canadians, and even of Anglo-Quebecers, do not recognize the legitimacy of the linguistic and national claims of Quebec?

"Immigrants, writes he, know how fragile their language is, but I discovered that the English speakers, whose language makes it possible to come into contact with the rest of the world, seize only with great difficulty the brittleness of the other languages." One should not, according to him, see mischievousness there, but an incapacity arising from the status of the English language in the contemporary world, for the first time a universal tool of communication.

"It is possible, he adds, to move to Montreal, to teach there for 25 years in an English-speaking university without learning how to speak French. Not knowing the language, not living closely with French-speaking Quebecers and not getting their information from their media, the English cannot understand the importance of the status of nation for Quebecers.

"I believe, he says, that the majority of the English Canadians do not realize that by defining Canada as a country made out of 10 equal provinces, the Constitution of 1982 violated the conscience that Quebec has of forming a distinct nation.

"Unless one has had a personal experience of this distinct nature and has been a witness to the spontaneous conscience that Quebecers have of it, it is impossible for the remainder of the country to understand what the status of nation for Quebec represents here.

"It is ironic and even dramatic, he adds during the interview, that it is French-speaking people from Québec, initially Pierre Trudeau then Jean Chrétien and Stéphane Dion, who convinced English speakers of the accuracy of their vision of Canada as only one nation."

This incapacity of Canadians to put themselves in the skin of Quebecers became so obvious to Gregory Baum and his wife, originating from Ontario, that they avoid talking about Quebec when they visit his step-family.

  • Le nationalisme: perspectives éthiques et religieuses, Gregory Baum, translated from English by Albert Beaudry, Éditions Bellarmin, 1998, 196 pages.
  • "Nationalism, Religion and Ethics", Gregory Baum, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001, 165 pages.

See also

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