The myth of a fascist Quebec

Unofficial translation of "Le mythe du Québec fasciste" by Luc Chartrand in L'actualité, March 1st 1997, vol. 22, no 3

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The Enquiry

The Roux Affair resurrected, everywhere in Canada, the prejudice whereby the Quebec of the 30s and 40s was antisemitic and fascist. L'actualité magazine enquired on the topic.

The last discovery of historian Esther Delisle will give ulcers to her colleagues: during the conscription crisis of 1942, the American and Canadian secret services were convinced that some noted nationalist leaders from Quebec, including abbot Lionel Groulx, were conspiring in a clandestine pro-Nazi organization baptized "Garde de Fer" (Iron Guard)!

Esther Delisle, whose doctoral thesis* on the anti-semitism of French-Canadian nationalists of the Thirties is the most controversial in the history of Université Laval (L'actualité, June 15, 1991), is about to publish a new book on the Quebec of World War II (and of the post-war period). In it, she exhumes a sulfurous confidential report addressed to the American Secretariat of State by the United States' consul in Quebec, Rollin R. Winslow. This report, whose starting point was inspired by an investigation of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), pertained to two young activists, Raymond Chouinard and Laurent Tardif. The first was arrested for having distributed pro-German leaflets at an anticonscription meeting in Limoilou - Canada was then already at war against Germany. The second, studying at Université Laval, is a presumed accomplice. Notes and a diary found at Tardif's made it possible to believe that he was undertaking "very subversive" political activities, even that he was practising espionage, and that he reported to a group of nationalist leaders: the consul gave out a list of 14 names, which constitutes a true "Who's Who of the Quebec nationalists of the Thirties", notes Esther Delisle.

According to the report, Lionel Groulx and abbot Pierre Gravel, priest of the Saint-Roch parish, in Quebec, "have continued to hold clandestine meetings with the group of young nationalists of which Tardif was member and that, after Canada had entered the war. The journal [of Tardif] tells how abbot Gravel explained the advantages of national-socialism in Germany".

The "scoop" is so big - the majority of the people named are notable moderates - that one wonders who is poisoning who! Did the RCMP try to discredit the French-Canadian nationalists in the eyes of the allied secret service? Why were there never any arrests for these seditious activities?

Black list or hoax?

Here is the exact list (with errors...) of the supposed leaders of a Quebec Pro-German Iron Guard, as drawn up by the United States consul in Quebec City in spring of 1942:

• Abbot Lionel Groulx, of Québec
• René Chaloult (Member of Provincial Parliament)
• Paul Bouchard, of Québec (now in Mexico)
• Abbot Pierre Gravel, priest of the Saint-Roch parish
• J.E. Grégoire (former mayor of Québec)
• Philippe Hamel (dentist of Québec)
• Oscar Drouin, Provincial Trade Minister
• J. Ernest Drolet, journalist of Québec
• Victor Barbeau, journalist of Québec
• Hermas Bastien
• Demet Baril, of Montréal
• Olivar Asselin, of Montréal
• Fernand de Haerne, of Montréal
• Paul Gouin, of Montréal

Esther Delisle unearthed this report in the files of the Department of State, in Washington. By chance, she assures us. But "thanks to archivist John E. Taylor, grand guru of the files of the CIA and the OSS [Office of Strategic Services, the ancestor of the CIA ]", while she was researching on the presence in Quebec of Nazi collaborators. "I baptized "Delisle Law", says she as a joke, this phenomenon by which while seeking files, one never finds what one thought of finding but often finds things even more interesting!"

But the one by whom the historical scandal arrives had up to now had much trouble rallying historians to her analysis. Esther Delisle is not shy to associate the French-Canadian nationalism of the Thirties and Forties with Nazism, and she describes the movement against conscription (the compulsory enrolment) as "a smoke screen of national-socialism".

In her young forties, she is a newbie in the field of historical research and, what does not help her, she received a training not in history, but in political science, in particular with Israeli researchers specialized in the analysis of the antisemitic and Nazi speech.

Unemployed, she lives in a more than modest apartment in the Côte-des-Neiges neighbourhood, in Montreal - "the Jews do not pay well!" she says, sarcastically. She is an "annoying one" who, in interview, constantly oscillates between pickling humour and sudden mood changes: the trembling voice, she raises her eyes toward the sky or takes refuge in an obstinate silence as soon as she meets scepticism.

Since the publication of the book summarizing her thesis, Le Traître et le Juif (L'Étincelle), she has multiplied interviews and pronounced conferences in the synagogues of Montreal (at the invitation of the political wing of the B'nai Brith of Canada Association), at McGill University and the diners of Cité libre.

"One seeks more and more often to use history for political ends", worries historian René Durocher, of Université de Montréal. "Whereas the first duty of the historian is to understand..."

The "Roux Affair" (L'actualité, Nov. 15. 96) revived, a little everywhere in Canada, the stereotype of fascistic Quebec. Jean-Louis Roux himself added water to the mill by declaring that the fact of having smeared his sleeve with a swastika was characteristic of "the mentality of a great part of Quebec youth of the time". Senator Jacques Hébert sustained that the youth of his time did not have, to get information, anything other than Le Devoir, which was strongly anti-semitic. From one ocean to the other, newspapers evoked the turbid past of Quebec at the time of the crisis and the war. B'nai Brith took advantage of the occasion to demand that the name of the Lionel-Groulx metro station be changed. During an interview at Le Point, on Radio-Canada television, Esther Delisle accused former anticonscription leader André Laurendeau (who will later become director of Le Devoir), even though considered as one of moderates of his generation, to have been a crypto-Nazi!

Jean-François Nadeau, who prepares a PhD in history at the Université du Québec à Montréal and specializes in the years 1930 to 1945, denounces the "spirit of trial" which rots the historical debate. "One does not want to understand, says he, one wants to judge." The sociologist Gary Caldwell goes further: "These unslung attacks translate a will to show that Quebec is an unhealthy society."

But there is no smoke without fire: during the crisis, the principal tenors of French-Canadian nationalism were indeed fascinated by the new dictatorships of Europe.

This time was marked by a profound distress. In North America as in Europe, the economic crisis was devastating. In 1932, unemployment exceeds the peak of 30% in Quebec. And the wages were in free fall: in the Canadian manufacturing industry, the average annual wages passed from 1042 dollars in 1929 to 777 dollars in 1933... Whether fascist, communist or democrat, to speak of the "failure of liberalism" or that of capitalism was commonplace. Because the liberal capitalist system actually crumbled down with the crash of 1929. People sought new ways. And scapegoats...

Le Devoir of the time was analyzed through and through and nobody tries to deny its sometimes virulent anti-semitism. The same applies to the monthly magazine L'Action nationale, of which abbot Lionel Groulx was then the intellectual leader. As for Jeune-Canada, a student movement primarily made up of Groulx' disciples, it distiled towards Jews a worrisome rhetoric: "In Germany, it is impossible to step on the tail of this bitch of Jewry, without hearing people bark in Canada", will we hear once in one of its assemblies - a quotation later reported with regret by André Laurendeau (who was one of the leaders of the movement) and repeated ad nauseam lately.

Does that make the Quebec of that time a fascist society?

"Originally, Fascism was a rather precise ideology, says Jean-François Nadeau. But the Communists thereafter generalized the meaning by applying it to all their enemies on the right."

Fascism is initially an Italian political movement which brought to power the dictator Benito Mussolini, said "The Duce", in 1922. Still today, in Montreal, on one of the walls of the Notre-Dame-de-la-Défense Church, in Petite Italie, one can see a mural dedicated to Mussolini, realized in 1933 by painter Guido Nincheri. "At the beginning of the Thirties, says Nadeau, Fascism did not make waves in Montreal outside the Italian community."

The government of Mussolini has a rather good press in French Canada beginning in 1929, the year of the signing of the Lateran Treaty, which sanctioned the rights of the Vatican State. One often cites Italy as an example to follow: the regime of the Duce accomplished great works, some say (such the draining of the Pontins marshes), and the trains are on time! The corporatist regime of António de Oliveira Salazar, in Portugal, also arouses some interests in Quebec, because it claims to represent the "Christian social order" proposed by the Catholic Church.

During the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939, the support with Fascism increased in Quebec, not so much because of ideological convictions as for reasons of solidarity among Catholics in the war against Communism. "All the catholics of the world rallied behind Franco", says Jean-François Nadeau. At the church, the French Canadians were praying for the success of the nationalists and the defeat of the republicans.

Claude Ryan, whom we consulted as much for his rigour as for his memories, remembers, like many others, the rather favourable allusions to the fascist regime of Europe: sometimes "They were sometimes presented to us as models. But they were passing remarks. Never were they presented to us in a detailed or doctrinal way. In fact, one knew almost nothing of these regimes."

André Laurendeau, who sojourned in France in 1936, was quickly disenchanted with regards to Italian Fascism. "Its success rests for a great part on the exaltation of the will for power and on the crushing of human freedoms", he said. "Why become disciples of Mussolini when it would be so simple to be put ourselves to a school which does not diminish anyone: the school of the Church ", answered Lionel Groulx.

Before the interview, Claude Ryan had noted, in a little black note-book, the readings and the intellectual influences at the time of his studies in classical Externat of Sainte-Croix, in the East of Montreal, from 1937 to 1944. The enumeration lasted for long minutes. It went through Demosthenes, Herodotus, Cicero and Livy ("the greatest authors", comments on Mr. Ryan), French classics, de Villon to de Musset passing by Molière, Lamartine, Corneille and Racine... "This was our menu, said he!"

"Moreover, each one made his own readings: Le Devoir, La Presse, Canada, Le Jour, Le Clairon, Le Canada français. The periodicals were also numerous: L'Action nationale, L'Amérique française, the Carnets viatorien, the Revue dominicaine... and more."

Why this abundant list?

"I want to show you that the intellectual climate of the youth of the period was not that which was depicted during the Roux Affair, when some suggested that the only intellectual foods available came from Le Devoir and L'Action nationale. In my class, a student was selling subscriptions to L'Action nationale, but he did not sell more than two in a class of 25."

Historian Jacques Rouillard, of the Université de Montréal, also believes that some tend to exaggerate the influence of Le Devoir and do not see the pluralism which existed then in Quebec society. From 1930 to 1940, he says, the daily pulling of Le Devoir was of 17,000 copies; Le Canada, a liberal newspaper but also an opinion paper which constantly denounced anti-semitism, had a comparable pulling: 15,000 copies. "That is without counting the popular press: La Presse sold 177,000 copies per day and Le Soleil, 75,000!"

According to Jacques Langlais, founder of the Institut interculturel de Montréal and craftsman of the dialogue between Jews and Christians in Quebec, the extreme right of the time was only "an intelligentsia movement, concentrated in Montreal": "I studied at the Collège Saint-Laurent - the city of Saint-Laurent was then still the countryside - from 1932 to 1940. Never have I heard a single anti-semitic remark!"

In classical colleges, the nationalist current of the right was for a good part circumscribed to the Collège Sainte-Marie, a Jesuits establishment in downtown Montreal, attended by Jacques Hébert and Jean-Louis Roux. "Sainte-Marie was the hotbed of nationalists!" Claude Ryan remembers laughing.

There was in Quebec only one straightforwardly fascist movement, that of the Parti national social-chrétien (PNSC), founded by Joseph Ménard and Adrien Arcand. But it did not intermingle with the nationalist circles: Arcand was royalist! If he admired Nazi Germany until the beginning of the war, it is because he dreamed to found a regime of the same type in all the British Empire. And, by this fact, he was close to the Nazi movement of the English Oswald Mosley. At its beginnings, the PNSC displayed the swastika. It changed its emblem in 1938, when it amalgamated with other Canadian Nazis groups to form the National Unity Party: the "blue shirts" will rather wear... the torch and the Canadian beaver!

Adrien Arcand was an illuminated who could recite, in Greek, the four Gospels, whole chapters of Homer's Iliad and a number of classical plays, in French or English. The influence of his party remains difficult to evaluate. Its leaders claimed that it numbered 84,000 members, a figure which at the time was retaken by the American press. The reality was certainly much lower... The RCMP, which had seized the lists of its members in 1940, concluded that it numbered 7,083 in Canada, including 5,942 in the Montreal area and 982 in the remainder of Quebec (which leaves only 159 outside Quebec). Even these figures are disputed by Jean-François Nadeau, for whom the party "did not exceed 1,000 members in 1938".

"As a matter of fact, Groulx and his disciples, of which Pierre Dansereau [who will become the well-known ecologist] and André Laurendeau [who will become journalist], consider Arcand's movement to be vulgar", says Jean-François Nadeau. And the Church, far from having affinities with Arcand, prohibited him from renting parish halls to hold his meetings!

After all these nuances are made, what remains of the fascist Quebec?

One can compare the right of the Thirties with the left of the Sixties and Seventies. To the extreme of these movements are the marginals (the party of Adrien Arcand, the Marxist-Leninist groups), which were hardly numerous, each one in their time, but whose ideas were largely diffused and influenced public opinion. Who forgot the Marxist proclamations published by the three main labour unions in the Seventies? When one proposes this analogy to the historians, it rallies René Durocher as well as Esther Delisle!

"Even if fascist ideas were widely diffused, says René Durocher, they never threatened the democratic institutions of Quebec. The liberal current was more powerful, it is indubitable." But Fascism and anti-semitism ended up exerting an influence on the public opinion and the political decisions of time, in particular in what pertains to the refusal to let the Jewish refugees of Europe enter to Canada...

Regarding the French-Canadian politicians who are indignant at the persecution of the Jews in Germany, Lionel Groulx wrote, in 1933: "To have our great men of politics march in favour of the persecuted Jews, be it 4,000 miles away from Canada, is one thing, and [...] to have these same men do something in favour of Catholic minorities and even of minorities of their own blood strangulated at their door is something else."

A few years later, in 1938, when the German army walked on Austria and that the world, for the Jews, is divided in two - "the countries where they cannot enter and those where they cannot live", according to the expression -, the popular pressure to prevent refugees from entering to Canada increased: a petition of people being opposed "to any immigration and especially to Jewish immigration" was submitted to the Canadian government by the Saint-Jean-Baptist Society*. It counted... 128,000 signatures!

It is the historian Irving Abella, of the York University, near Toronto, former president of the Canadian Jewish Congress, who reported this fact in None Is Too Many (cosigned by Harold Troper, Lester Publishing), a work on the Canadian policy concerning the Jewish refugees of the Holocaust.

In the tumult of the Roux Affair, Irving Abella believed it necessary to write the Globe and Mail to warn English Canada... "Without the shade of a doubt, Quebecers must recognize their sordid antisemitic and racist past before and during the Second World War [...]. But, frankly, the past of English Canada is hardly better [...] While the friends of Jean-Louis Roux were throwing stones in the windows of Jewish stores, there was much more serious antisemitic violence in the streets of Toronto during Christie-Pit riots, as well as in Winnipeg, where the local brown shirts attacked the Jews, and in other English Canadian cities."

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TO BE TRANSLATED

Irving Abella a reçu L'actualité chez lui, dans le quartier aisé de Lawrence Park, dans le nord de Toronto. («Avant la guerre, les Juifs ne pouvaient habiter ce quartier», dit-il.) Abella fait partie des intellectuels anglophones, de plus en plus nombreux, qui tentent de mettre le Canada anglais en garde contre des interprétations un peu trop intéressées de l'histoire du Québec. Sean Purdy, de l'Université Queen's, à Kingston, écrivait récemment dans un forum de discussion d'Internet fréquenté par des historiens: «La critique du nationalisme québécois entourant l'affaire Roux a été une attaque déguisée contre le nationalisme québécois actuel [fondée sur] une dissimulation de sa propre histoire par le Canada anglais. [...] Comme on l'a fait dans le cas des relations avec les autochtones.»

«En tant que sociologue», dit Gary Caldwell, ex-directeur de chantier à l'Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture, «je n'ai vu à ce jour aucune démonstration de l'existence d'un courant xénophobe plus fort au Canada français qu'au Canada anglais.»

Documents

Mackenzie King: An admirer of Hitler

«Hitler et Mussolini, quoique dictateurs, se sont vraiment efforcés de procurer aux masses [divers bienfaits] et ainsi de s'assurer leur appui. [...] La manière dictatoriale était peut-être nécessaire afin de retirer ces bienfaits aux privilégiés qui les monopolisaient jusque-là. [...] On pourrait finir par voir en lui [Hitler] un des sauveurs du monde.»

- Extraits du journal personnel de William Lyon Mackenzie King, premier ministre du Canada, cité par Irving Abella et Harold Troper dans None Is Too Many (Lester Publishing).

Dans Impossible Nation (The Mercury Press), un essai récent (à traduire absolument!), le correspondant culturel du Globe and Mail au Québec, Ray Conlogue, interprète ainsi l'utilisation grandissante au Canada du stéréotype du Québec fasciste: «L'idée de base est de convaincre la minorité qu'elle est inapte à s'autogouverner. On commence par insinuer qu'elle n'en a pas la compétence économique. Si cela ne fonctionne pas, on l'accuse de quelque chose de beaucoup plus grave: l'incompétence morale.»

Déjà, en 1960, l'historien américain Mason Wade remarquait comment, devant le nationalisme québécois, le Canada anglais avait le réflexe de soulever le spectre d'un «Canada français fondamentalement fasciste, totalitaire et autoritaire, sans véritable instinct pour la démocratie nord-américaine». Ce stéréotype est bien ancré dans la culture politique canadienne.

Irving Abella montre dans son livre comment Mackenzie King, premier ministre du Canada de 1935 à 1948, invoquait l'opinion canadienne-française pour justifier devant les étrangers la fermeture du Canada aux réfugiés juifs. Or, son journal personnel révèle qu'il était tout simplement antisémite lui-même, opposé à l'immigration juive, et qu'il vouait à Hitler ainsi qu'à Mussolini une admiration qu'on ne rencontre chez aucun chef nationaliste québécois...

Mais pour Irving Abella, la question de savoir qui du Québec ou du reste du Canada a été le «pire» en matière d'antisémitisme est une fausse querelle. «Tout le Canada a été traversé par l'antisémitisme durant cette période, et tout le Canada devrait s'en souvenir.»

David Rome: A Jew in the Metro

Plusieurs années avant la récente polémique lancée par l'association B'nai Brith du Canada au sujet du nom de la station de métro Lionel-Groulx, l'archiviste du Congrès juif canadien, David Rome, avait exprimé les sentiments complexes que provoquaient chez des Juifs la toponymie de Montréal...

«Pour les Juifs qui étudient l'histoire du Canada, deux stations du métro de Montréal évoquent avec force la grande migration juive au Québec d'il y a un siècle et les hommes qui ont vécu à cette époque.

«Des millions de Montréalais transitent par la station de métro ou par le boulevard Henri-Bourassa, ainsi nommés pour perpétuer la mémoire de l'orateur, philosophe et théologien qui fonda Le Devoir, et par le terminus qui perpétue celle du chanoine Lionel Groulx, le professeur, nationaliste, historien et écrivain. [...]

«La toponymie du paysage québécois est un véritable outil pédagogique, reflet de l'estime du peuple pour tout un kaléidoscope d'ancêtres [...], vénérés au nom d'une tradition historique et patriotique. [...]

«Mais nulle part cette tradition n'est-elle perçue de façon plus confuse que dans le cur des Juifs, où se mêlent des conflits d'intérêts complexes, des émotions et des expériences antérieures [...]. Que le Québec ait été capable de créer une telle culture collective de reconnaissance de ses grands personnages nous en dit beaucoup sur son homogénéité. [...]

«Bourassa et Groulx ont vécu, l'un pendant les premières heures et l'autre aux pires moments de l'Holocauste, tout en restant totalement aveugles au mal allemand. Cette myopie est une illustration de l'étroitesse de la perception sociale et culturelle du Québec français, particulièrement remarquable quand on la compare à celle de ses voisins anglophones. [...]

«Mais les sacrifices humains [de la Guerre], y compris ceux de dizaines de milliers de Canadiens et de millions de Juifs, a fait apparaître un Québec nouveau sur la carte.»

Taken from The Jewish Biography of Henri Bourassa, by David Rome, Canadian Jewish Archives, 1988.

1837-1937: "We will have our French State"

Dans ses discours, Lionel Groulx apparaît comme un modéré. Ses propos n'en soulèvent pas moins l'enthousiasme.

Dans les mois qui précèdent le centenaire de l'insurrection des Patriotes de 1837, la fièvre nationaliste de la jeunesse est à son comble. C'est la crise, et les perspectives d'avenir sont inexistantes. L'atmosphère est explosive car il y a aussi beaucoup d'amertume dans l'air: Maurice Duplessis, nouvellement élu, vient de trahir ses alliés nationalistes, à qui il avait promis la nationalisation de l'électricité.

C'est dans ce contexte que le Congrès de la langue française se tient au Colisée de Québec le 29 juin 1937. Des milliers de jeunes attendent avec impatience que quelque chose se passe. Lionel Groulx doit prononcer le discours de clôture. Dans une vitrine de Québec, des statues de cire grandeur nature montrent Louis-Joseph Papineau passant le relais à l'abbé Groulx...

Ce discours de Groulx, que plusieurs considèrent comme le plus important de sa carrière (au fond, il ressemble aux autres), n'a rien d'une harangue haineuse et se rapproche, tant par le ton que par l'orientation constitutionnelle, du «quoi qu'on dise et quoi qu'on fasse» de Robert Bourassa...

«La Confédération, nous en sommes, mais pourvu qu'elle reste une confédération [...]. La bonne entente, certes, j'en suis [...]. Mais la bonne entente que je veux, c'est la bonne entente à deux. La bonne entente debout. Pas une bonne entente de dupes. Pas une bonne entente à n'importe quel prix: doctrine de dégradation, où tout notre rôle consiste à émoucher le lion; mais la bonne entente fondée sur le respect mutuel, sur l'égalité des droits. [...]

«À nos compatriotes de l'autre origine et de l'autre culture, je tiendrais [...] ce langage, que je n'estime ni impertinent, ni audacieux, encore moins injuste: "Nous sommes ici deux races, deux cultures, destinées à vivre l'une à côté de l'autre, à collaborer au bien commun de notre province et de notre pays. Vous, anglophones, êtes fiers de votre sang, de votre histoire, de votre civilisation; et, pour servir le plus efficacement possible ce pays, votre ambition est de vous développer dans le sens de vos innéités culturelles, d'être anglais jusqu'aux moelles. [...] D'autre part, aussi fiers de notre passé, de notre sang de notre culture que vous l'êtes des vôtres, nous prétendons que notre droit est égal au vôtre."[...]

«Qu'on le veuille ou qu'on ne le veuille pas, notre État français, nous l'aurons; nous l'aurons jeune, fort, rayonnant et beau, foyer spirituel, pôle dynamique de toute l'Amérique française. [...] Les snobs, les bon-ententistes, les défaitistes peuvent nous crier, tant qu'ils voudront: "Vous êtes la dernière génération de Canadiens français!" Je leur réponds avec toute la jeunesse: "Nous sommes la génération des vivants. Vous êtes la dernière génération des morts!"»

La foule du Colisée explosa «comme la lave d'une bouche de volcan», écrira Groulx plusieurs décennies plus tard. «J'ai compris, ce soir-là, jusqu'où peuvent aller les entraînements d'une foule qui n'attend que l'occasion de manifester.»

References

Works

• Irving Abella, and Harold Troper, None Is Too Many, Toronto, Lester and Orpen Dennys, 1983.
• Pierre Anctil, Le Devoir, les Juifs et l'immigration: de Bourassa à Laurendeau, Québec, Institut Québécois de recherche sur la culture, 1988.
• Pierre Anctil, Le Rendez-vous manqué: les Juifs de Montréal face au Québec de l'entre-deux-guerres, Québec, Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture, 1988.
• Paul-André Comeau, Le Bloc populaire, 1942-1948, Montréal, Québec/Amérique, 1982.
• Esther Delisle, Le Traître et le Juif, Montréal, L'Étincelle, 1992.
• René Durocher, Paul-André Linteau and Jean-Claude Robert, Histoire du Québec contemporain: de la Confédération à la crise (1867-1929), Montréal, Boréal Express, 1979.
• Jean Éthier-Blais, Le Siècle de l'abbé Groulx, Montréal, Leméac, 1993.
• Jean-Pierre Gaboury, Le Nationalisme de Lionel Groulx: aspects idéologiques, Ottawa, Éditions de l'Université d'Ottawa, 1970.
• Lionel Groulx, Mes Mémoires, tome 3, 1926-1939, Montréal, Fides, 1972.
• David Langlais and David Rome, Juifs et Québécois français: 200 ans d'histoire commune, Montréal, Fides, 1986.
• David Rome, Clouds in the Thirties: On Antisemitism in Canada, 1929-1939, Montréal, Canadian Jewish Archives, 1977.

Articles

• Gary Caldwell, «La controverse Delisle-Richler», in L'Agora, juin 1994, p. 17-26.
• Luc Chartrand, «Le chanoine au pilori», in L'actualité, 15 juin 1991, p. 114-115.
• René Durocher, «"Le fasciste canadien", 1935-1938», in Idéologies au Canada français, 1930-1939, Québec, Presses de l'Université Laval, 1978.
• Lionel Groulx and André Laurendeau (correspondance), «L'esprit des années 30», in Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au 20e siècle, no 3, hiver 1995, p. 81-101.
• Jacques Rouillard, «Le Québec était-il fasciste en 1942?», in Le Devoir, 13 nov. 1996, p. A-7.
• Stéphane Stapinsky, «L'esprit de procès au Québec», in Possibles, 1995, p. 17-32.
• Pierre Trépanier, «La religion dans la pensée d'Adrien Arcand», in Les Cahiers des Dix, no 46, 1991, p. 207-247.

See also

• Was Quebec fascist in 1942?, by Jacques Rouillard, November 1996