The Case for a Sovereign Quebec - Revision history

Mathieugp at 05:24, 19 March 2011

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Mathieugp at 04:04, 30 January 2011

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Mathieugp: /* Notes */

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Notes

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Mathieugp at 18:41, 27 December 2009

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	1. This article was taken from the ''[[w:Foreign Policy\|Foreign Policy]]'' political review (Summer 1995, No.99, pp. 69-77).		1. This article was taken from the ''[[w:Foreign Policy\|Foreign Policy]]'' political review (Summer 1995, No.99, pp. 69-77).

	~~[[Category:Jacques Parizeau]]~~
	~~[[Category:Jean-François Lisée]]~~
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Mathieugp at 19:55, 14 July 2009

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Liberlogos: /* Old friends */

2008-06-07T05:37:06Z

Old friends

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	We have no scores to settle with either the Canadian government or Canadians in general. We wish them well. We simply think we would be better partners as neighbors rather than feuding "spouses." Nor do we want our internal debate to lessen in any way the quality of the current relationship between Washington and [[w:Ottawa\|Ottawa]]. We fully intend—once sovereign—to maintain good relations with both.		We have no scores to settle with either the Canadian government or Canadians in general. We wish them well. We simply think we would be better partners as neighbors rather than feuding "spouses." Nor do we want our internal debate to lessen in any way the quality of the current relationship between Washington and [[w:Ottawa\|Ottawa]]. We fully intend—once sovereign—to maintain good relations with both.

	When Quebecers [[Quebec general election, 1994\|elected my government]] on September 12, 1994, they were told—both by us and by our [[w:Parti libéral du Québec\|Liberal party]] opponents—that we planned to hold a referendum on sovereignty this year. Last December we expressed how this platform would be accomplished. We put a blueprint on the table in the form of a draft bill that Quebecers will be asked to discuss and amend, and then to adopt or reject in a referendum. The draft bill explains that sovereignty is our ability to vote on all our laws, to manage all our taxes, and to sign all our treaties. The bill states our willingness to ensure the continuity of Canadian laws, permits, and regulations during the transition period. It deals with minority rights within Quebec, and it foreshadows a regionalization of resources and responsibilities.		When Quebecers [[w:Quebec general election, 1994\|elected my government]] on September 12, 1994, they were told—both by us and by our [[w:Parti libéral du Québec\|Liberal party]] opponents—that we planned to hold a referendum on sovereignty this year. Last December we expressed how this platform would be accomplished. We put a blueprint on the table in the form of a draft bill that Quebecers will be asked to discuss and amend, and then to adopt or reject in a referendum. The draft bill explains that sovereignty is our ability to vote on all our laws, to manage all our taxes, and to sign all our treaties. The bill states our willingness to ensure the continuity of Canadian laws, permits, and regulations during the transition period. It deals with minority rights within Quebec, and it foreshadows a regionalization of resources and responsibilities.

	This past winter, we created 18 itinerant commissions to gather comments on the draft bill. More than 50,000 people participated in the process (out of a voting population of approximately 4 million), a process that will produce a modified bill on sovereignty thus molded by popular participation for passage in the National Assembly. Quebecers will then be asked to adopt or reject it in a referendum.		This past winter, we created 18 itinerant commissions to gather comments on the draft bill. More than 50,000 people participated in the process (out of a voting population of approximately 4 million), a process that will produce a modified bill on sovereignty thus molded by popular participation for passage in the National Assembly. Quebecers will then be asked to adopt or reject it in a referendum.

Liberlogos: /* Notes */

2008-05-27T21:17:22Z

Notes

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	== Notes ==		== Notes ==
	<nowiki>*:</nowiki> The ghostwriter of this text is journalist and intellectual [[Jean-François Lisée]], then political consultant to Premier Jacques Parizeau.		<nowiki>*:</nowiki> The ghostwriter of this text is journalist and intellectual [[Jean-François Lisée]], then political consultant to Premier Jacques Parizeau. [http://benhur.teluq.uquebec.ca/~journal/2006_02/nouvelle12.html]

	1. This article was taken from the ''[[w:Foreign Policy\|Foreign Policy]]'' political review (Summer 1995, No.99, pp. 69-77).		1. This article was taken from the ''[[w:Foreign Policy\|Foreign Policy]]'' political review (Summer 1995, No.99, pp. 69-77).

Liberlogos at 21:07, 27 May 2008

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	The notion of Canadian duality has been at the center of Canadian unity for more than 100 years. Fifteen years ago, when Quebecers were [[w:1980 Quebec referendum\|first asked to vote in a referendum]] on sovereignty, opponents argued that there was no need for independence because new ways would be found to strengthen Canada's duality and to protect [[w:Distinct society\|Quebec's distinctiveness]] within Canada.		The notion of Canadian duality has been at the center of Canadian unity for more than 100 years. Fifteen years ago, when Quebecers were [[w:1980 Quebec referendum\|first asked to vote in a referendum]] on sovereignty, opponents argued that there was no need for independence because new ways would be found to strengthen Canada's duality and to protect [[w:Distinct society\|Quebec's distinctiveness]] within Canada.

	But then that promise was broken. The contract that linked Quebec to the rest of Canada was [[w:Constitution of Canada\|changed in 1982]] by the federal government and the nine English provinces. [[w:Night of the Long Knives (Canada)\|A new constitution was imposed upon Quebec]] against its will, and it reduced Quebecers' ability to govern themselves on matters such as language and education. All parties in Quebec's parliament, the National Assembly, denounced the action, and all Quebec governments elected since then have refused to ratify the document.		But then that promise was broken. The contract that linked Quebec to the rest of Canada was [[w:Constitution of Canada\|changed in 1982]] by the federal government and the nine English provinces. [[w:Night of the Long Knives (Canada)\|A new constitution was imposed upon Quebec]] against its will, and it reduced Quebecers' ability to govern themselves on matters such as language and education. All parties in Quebec's parliament, the [[w:National Assembly of Quebec\|National Assembly]], denounced the action, and all Quebec governments elected since then have refused to ratify the document.

	More than just a breach of contract, the 1982 constitution brought about a change in the nature of Canada. It embodied and propelled a strong Canadian national will that now negates the very existence of Quebec as a nation. In an attempt to repair the damage done in 1982, the Canadian prime minister and the premiers of all 10 provinces drafted amendments to recognize that the 7 million Quebecers, with their own history, language, culture, and laws, at least made up a "distinct society" within Canada. The effort aroused tremendous opposition in English Canada, and it failed. This past winter, a typical poll. showed that two-thirds of English Canadians believe that Quebecers are not a "distinct people" within Canada. Not a single political leader outside Quebec will now consider touching the issue, and the federal government has pledged to propose no reform of Canada's fundamental law at any time in the foreseeable future.		More than just a breach of contract, the 1982 constitution brought about a change in the nature of Canada. It embodied and propelled a strong Canadian national will that now negates the very existence of Quebec as a nation. In an attempt to repair the damage done in 1982, the Canadian prime minister and the premiers of all 10 provinces drafted amendments to recognize that the 7 million Quebecers, with their own history, language, culture, and laws, at least made up a "distinct society" within Canada. The effort aroused tremendous opposition in English Canada, and it failed. This past winter, a typical poll. showed that two-thirds of English Canadians believe that Quebecers are not a "distinct people" within Canada. Not a single political leader outside Quebec will now consider touching the issue, and the federal government has pledged to propose no reform of Canada's fundamental law at any time in the foreseeable future.

Liberlogos: /* Old friends */

2008-05-27T21:07:12Z

Old friends

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	:''Most Americans probably watch this process with some degree of regret, for this country's inclination runs strongly in favor of ''[Canadian]'' unity. But American policy needs to remain absolutely neutral. As in certain marriages, differences that have become intractable over the years eventually justify divorce—and no one outside the family can make that judgment.''		:''Most Americans probably watch this process with some degree of regret, for this country's inclination runs strongly in favor of ''[Canadian]'' unity. But American policy needs to remain absolutely neutral. As in certain marriages, differences that have become intractable over the years eventually justify divorce—and no one outside the family can make that judgment.''

	We understand that Americans in general and the U.S. government in particular have enjoyed good relations with the Canadian government over the years. As Quebecers, we would like to take credit for our share of these good relations. The two Canadian prime ministers who most strongly promoted free trade with the United States in this ~~century—Wilfrid~~ Laurier and Brian ~~Mulroney—both~~ came from Quebec.		We understand that Americans in general and the U.S. government in particular have enjoyed good relations with the Canadian government over the years. As Quebecers, we would like to take credit for our share of these good relations. The two Canadian prime ministers who most strongly promoted free trade with the United States in this century—[[w:Wilfrid Laurier\|Wilfrid Laurier]] and [[w:Brian Mulroney\|Brian Mulroney]]—both came from Quebec.

	We have no scores to settle with either the Canadian government or Canadians in general. We wish them well. We simply think we would be better partners as neighbors rather than feuding "spouses." Nor do we want our internal debate to lessen in any way the quality of the current relationship between Washington and [[w:Ottawa\|Ottawa]]. We fully intend—once sovereign—to maintain good relations with both.		We have no scores to settle with either the Canadian government or Canadians in general. We wish them well. We simply think we would be better partners as neighbors rather than feuding "spouses." Nor do we want our internal debate to lessen in any way the quality of the current relationship between Washington and [[w:Ottawa\|Ottawa]]. We fully intend—once sovereign—to maintain good relations with both.

Liberlogos: /* Trading with Quebec */

2008-05-27T21:06:17Z

Trading with Quebec

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	Quebecers have demonstrated that they are strong supporters of free trade. Without Quebec, there would not have been enough support in Canada to enact either the Canada-United States free trade deal or the [[w:North American Free Trade Agreement\|North American Free Trade Agreement]] (NAFTA). The sovereignist movement has always been at the forefront of the free trade movement, and it still is. Our parliament will be the first among the Canadian provinces to pass the enabling legislation putting into effect those portions of the NAFTA agreement dealing with provincial jurisdiction.		Quebecers have demonstrated that they are strong supporters of free trade. Without Quebec, there would not have been enough support in Canada to enact either the Canada-United States free trade deal or the [[w:North American Free Trade Agreement\|North American Free Trade Agreement]] (NAFTA). The sovereignist movement has always been at the forefront of the free trade movement, and it still is. Our parliament will be the first among the Canadian provinces to pass the enabling legislation putting into effect those portions of the NAFTA agreement dealing with provincial jurisdiction.

	Obviously, the agreement reached at last December's Summit of the Americas, which proposes to complete hemispheric free trade within 10 years, is very good news for us. Quebec is the United States's eighth largest trading partner, with its trade amounting to 40 per cent of the total U.S.-Mexican trading relationship. As a sovereign country, Quebec's gross domestic product would rate among the GDPs of the strongest members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, just after Switzerland, Sweden, and Austria, and before Denmark.		Obviously, the agreement reached at last December's Summit of the Americas, which proposes to complete hemispheric free trade within 10 years, is very good news for us. Quebec is the United States's eighth largest trading partner, with its trade amounting to 40 per cent of the total U.S.-Mexican trading relationship. As a sovereign country, Quebec's [[w:gross domestic product\|gross domestic product]] would rate among the GDPs of the strongest members of the [[w:Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development\|Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development]], just after Switzerland, Sweden, and Austria, and before Denmark.

	In a recent Business Week article, Gary Becker, the American Nobel laureate for economics, used the example of Quebec to show that this brand of nationalism is "merely riding the crest of world trade to forge new nations." It may be that world trade now enables smaller nations to prosper in large markets, but it is not only because we are traders that we want to be sovereign. If so, then California or Alberta could join the fray. What is really driving Quebecers' desire for independence is a need for identity, a wish for a more defined sense of personality in an increasingly impersonal world. As the French writer and diplomat Paul Claudel once said, "The best thing one can bring to the world is oneself."		In a recent Business Week article, [[w:Gary Becker\|Gary Becker]], the American [[w:Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences\|Nobel laureate for economics]], used the example of Quebec to show that this brand of nationalism is "merely riding the crest of world trade to forge new nations." It may be that world trade now enables smaller nations to prosper in large markets, but it is not only because we are traders that we want to be sovereign. If so, then California or Alberta could join the fray. What is really driving Quebecers' desire for independence is a need for identity, a wish for a more defined sense of personality in an increasingly impersonal world. As the French writer and diplomat [[w:Paul Claudel\|Paul Claudel]] once said, "The best thing one can bring to the world is oneself."

	In a speech delivered in Montreal in May 1992, United Nations secretary-general Boutros Boutros-Ghali said something important that I think applies to Quebec: "A healthy globalization of modern life presupposes, in the first place, solid identities." He added, "An ordered world is a world of independent nations, open to each other and sharing respect for each other's differences and similarities. This is what I have termed the rich logic of nationalities and universality."		In a speech delivered in Montreal in May 1992, [[w:Secretary-General of the United Nations\|United Nations secretary-general]] [[w:Boutros Boutros-Ghali\|Boutros Boutros-Ghali]] said something important that I think applies to Quebec: "A healthy globalization of modern life presupposes, in the first place, solid identities." He added, "An ordered world is a world of independent nations, open to each other and sharing respect for each other's differences and similarities. This is what I have termed the rich logic of nationalities and universality."

	Open to the world and avid consumers and exporters of cultural and industrial products in both the French- and English-speaking worlds, Quebecers long to be more of an international presence. Sovereignty is a way to be fully present in the modern world of ideas, culture, commerce, and politics; it is a way to speak in our own voice in good intelligence with our neighbors as partners on this continent and elsewhere.		Open to the world and avid consumers and exporters of cultural and industrial products in both the French- and English-speaking worlds, Quebecers long to be more of an international presence. Sovereignty is a way to be fully present in the modern world of ideas, culture, commerce, and politics; it is a way to speak in our own voice in good intelligence with our neighbors as partners on this continent and elsewhere.