Our Republic in America - Revision history

Mathieugp at 23:14, 29 January 2011

2011-01-29T23:14:18Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:14, 29 January 2011
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	[[Category:Translations]]		[[Category:Translations]]
	[[Category:Press articles]]		[[Category:Press articles]]
			[[Category:1999]]
			[[Category:2007]]

Mathieugp at 01:42, 11 November 2010

2010-11-11T01:42:43Z

Show changes

Mathieugp: /* The birth of a republic */

2007-10-26T20:36:37Z

The birth of a republic

← Older revision		Revision as of 20:36, 26 October 2007
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	By the devil, a Republic of Quebec! Here is an unrealizable Utopia for as long as Quebec remains attached to the Dominion. The amendment formula adopted in 1982 protects by the unanimity rule several elements of the Canadian monarchical system, of which the position of lieutenant-governor. Some will conclude from this constraint that only the sovereignty of Quebec traces the way toward a republican system. Others, on the contrary, will say that the hypothesis of a federate republic of Quebec was not really studied and deserves to be so. At all events, never in Quebec did we really consider the question of our political status from a republican perspective. The word "republic" has not yet returned from its banishment.		By the devil, a Republic of Quebec! Here is an unrealizable Utopia for as long as Quebec remains attached to the Dominion. The amendment formula adopted in 1982 protects by the unanimity rule several elements of the Canadian monarchical system, of which the position of lieutenant-governor. Some will conclude from this constraint that only the sovereignty of Quebec traces the way toward a republican system. Others, on the contrary, will say that the hypothesis of a federate republic of Quebec was not really studied and deserves to be so. At all events, never in Quebec did we really consider the question of our political status from a republican perspective. The word "republic" has not yet returned from its banishment.

	Can a people of America take pride in being a small crown inside a Dominion, reminiscent of old Europe? Let us not despair too much. Many Republics of Latin America can envy our democratic life, made of alternating parties and respect of the law, our standard of living and instruction, an wealth better distributed. The great misfortune of the Latin republics was to acquire early the status of republic without being able to realize their promises. While Papineau was pronouncing his speeches at the Assembly of Lower Canada, they were being born in the tumult of the ashes of Spanish viceroyalties. Our chance, as Quebecers of all origins, it is to have achieved several of these promises. It matters that one our small and clever nation place into agreement the State which governs her with the ideals and the achievements of which she is worthy. Rooted upstream in a founding past, our republic could, as the St-Lawrence river, ~~widen~~ into the future, and keep alive the ideal for which in the past great heroes fought for in all of America.		Can a people of America take pride in being a small crown inside a Dominion, reminiscent of old Europe? Let us not despair too much. Many Republics of Latin America can envy our democratic life, made of alternating parties and respect of the law, our standard of living and instruction, an wealth better distributed. The great misfortune of the Latin republics was to acquire early the status of republic without being able to realize their promises. While Papineau was pronouncing his speeches at the Assembly of Lower Canada, they were being born in the tumult of the ashes of Spanish viceroyalties. Our chance, as Quebecers of all origins, it is to have achieved several of these promises. It matters that one our small and clever nation place into agreement the State which governs her with the ideals and the achievements of which she is worthy. Rooted upstream in a founding past, our republic could, as the St-Lawrence river, grow wider into the future, and keep alive the ideal for which in the past great heroes fought for in all of America.

	==Who is Marc Chevrier?==		==Who is Marc Chevrier?==

	After doing philosophy studies at McGill University, Marc Chevrier completed a licence in law at Université de Montréal and master in law at the University of Cambridge, in Great Britain. He then worked for several years in constitutional affairs, immigration and public communication. He currently works on a political science thesis on constitutional justice in Canada since the introduction of the Canadian Charter in 1982, which he intends to support in Paris. Mr. Chevrier collaborated in many Quebec reviews, of which ''L'Agora'', ''Liberté'', ''L'Action nationale'', ''Possibles'', ''Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au XXe siècle'' and ''Argument''. In addition to political questions, he took an interest in the reform of the education system and the impact of media on reality. He also made several ministerial studies, in particular on the linguistic policy of Quebec and the Quebec democracy.		After doing philosophy studies at McGill University, Marc Chevrier completed a licence in law at Université de Montréal and master in law at the University of Cambridge, in Great Britain. He then worked for several years in constitutional affairs, immigration and public communication. He currently works on a political science thesis on constitutional justice in Canada since the introduction of the Canadian Charter in 1982, which he intends to support in Paris. Mr. Chevrier collaborated in many Quebec reviews, of which ''L'Agora'', ''Liberté'', ''L'Action nationale'', ''Possibles'', ''Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au XXe siècle'' and ''Argument''. In addition to political questions, he took an interest in the reform of the education system and the impact of media on reality. He also made several ministerial studies, in particular on the linguistic policy of Quebec and the Quebec democracy.

Mathieugp: /* The birth of a republic */

2007-10-26T20:34:35Z

The birth of a republic

← Older revision		Revision as of 20:34, 26 October 2007
Line 35:		Line 35:
	By the devil, a Republic of Quebec! Here is an unrealizable Utopia for as long as Quebec remains attached to the Dominion. The amendment formula adopted in 1982 protects by the unanimity rule several elements of the Canadian monarchical system, of which the position of lieutenant-governor. Some will conclude from this constraint that only the sovereignty of Quebec traces the way toward a republican system. Others, on the contrary, will say that the hypothesis of a federate republic of Quebec was not really studied and deserves to be so. At all events, never in Quebec did we really consider the question of our political status from a republican perspective. The word "republic" has not yet returned from its banishment.		By the devil, a Republic of Quebec! Here is an unrealizable Utopia for as long as Quebec remains attached to the Dominion. The amendment formula adopted in 1982 protects by the unanimity rule several elements of the Canadian monarchical system, of which the position of lieutenant-governor. Some will conclude from this constraint that only the sovereignty of Quebec traces the way toward a republican system. Others, on the contrary, will say that the hypothesis of a federate republic of Quebec was not really studied and deserves to be so. At all events, never in Quebec did we really consider the question of our political status from a republican perspective. The word "republic" has not yet returned from its banishment.

	~~Un peuple d'Amérique peut-il s'enorgueillir d'être une petite couronne dans un~~ Dominion, ~~songe d'une vieille~~ Europe ~~révolue~~? ~~Ne désespérons pas trop~~. ~~Bien des républiques d'Amérique latine peuvent nous envier notre vie démocratique~~, ~~faite d'alternance des partis et de~~ respect ~~du droit~~, ~~notre niveau de vie et d'~~instruction, ~~une richesse mieux répartie que chez elles~~. ~~Le grand malheur des républiques latines fut d'acquérir tôt le statut de république sans pouvoir en réaliser dès après les promesses~~. ~~Tandis que~~ Papineau ~~prononçait ses harangues à l'assemblée du Bas-~~Canada, ~~elles naissaient dans le tumulte des cendres des vice-royautés espagnoles~~. ~~Notre~~ chance ~~à nous~~, ~~Québécois de toutes racines~~, ~~c'est d'avoir accompli plusieurs de ces promesses~~. ~~Il importe que notre petite~~ nation ~~futée fasse un jour s'accorder l'État qui la gouverne avec les idéaux et les réalisations dont elle est digne~~. ~~Enracinée en amont dans un passé fondateur~~, ~~notre république peut aller~~, ~~tel son grand fleuve~~, ~~en s'élargissant dans l'avenir~~, ~~et maintenir vivant l'idéal pour lequel jadis de grands héros combattirent dans toute l'Amérique~~.		Can a people of America take pride in being a small crown inside a Dominion, reminiscent of old Europe? Let us not despair too much. Many Republics of Latin America can envy our democratic life, made of alternating parties and respect of the law, our standard of living and instruction, an wealth better distributed. The great misfortune of the Latin republics was to acquire early the status of republic without being able to realize their promises. While Papineau was pronouncing his speeches at the Assembly of Lower Canada, they were being born in the tumult of the ashes of Spanish viceroyalties. Our chance, as Quebecers of all origins, it is to have achieved several of these promises. It matters that one our small and clever nation place into agreement the State which governs her with the ideals and the achievements of which she is worthy. Rooted upstream in a founding past, our republic could, as the St-Lawrence river, widen into the future, and keep alive the ideal for which in the past great heroes fought for in all of America.

	==Who is Marc Chevrier?==		==Who is Marc Chevrier?==

	After doing philosophy studies at McGill University, Marc Chevrier completed a licence in law at Université de Montréal and master in law at the University of Cambridge, in Great Britain. He then worked for several years in constitutional affairs, immigration and public communication. He currently works on a political science thesis on constitutional justice in Canada since the introduction of the Canadian Charter in 1982, which he intends to support in Paris. Mr. Chevrier collaborated in many Quebec reviews, of which ''L'Agora'', ''Liberté'', ''L'Action nationale'', ''Possibles'', ''Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au XXe siècle'' and ''Argument''. In addition to political questions, he took an interest in the reform of the education system and the impact of media on reality. He also made several ministerial studies, in particular on the linguistic policy of Quebec and the Quebec democracy.		After doing philosophy studies at McGill University, Marc Chevrier completed a licence in law at Université de Montréal and master in law at the University of Cambridge, in Great Britain. He then worked for several years in constitutional affairs, immigration and public communication. He currently works on a political science thesis on constitutional justice in Canada since the introduction of the Canadian Charter in 1982, which he intends to support in Paris. Mr. Chevrier collaborated in many Quebec reviews, of which ''L'Agora'', ''Liberté'', ''L'Action nationale'', ''Possibles'', ''Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au XXe siècle'' and ''Argument''. In addition to political questions, he took an interest in the reform of the education system and the impact of media on reality. He also made several ministerial studies, in particular on the linguistic policy of Quebec and the Quebec democracy.

Mathieugp at 20:05, 25 October 2007

2007-10-25T20:05:41Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 20:05, 25 October 2007
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	An expired monarchical legacy<br />		An expired monarchical legacy<br />
	Our Republic in America <br />		Our Republic in America <br />
	There remains a curious silence on our political régime,~~<br />~~
	as inalterable as the permafrost <br />		There remains a curious silence on our political régime, as inalterable as the permafrost <br />

	Marc Chevrier <br />		Marc Chevrier <br />
	Jurist		Jurist

	~~Saturdays~~ July 10, 1999		Saturday July 10, 1999

	The Finns, like Quebecers, have a vast boreal forest strewn with lakes and rivers. However, this small nation of five million inhabitants enjoys an advantage unknown to Quebecers: she lives in a republic, since this ancient duchy of the Swedish Crown emancipated from the tsars and Lénine in 1919. The Finns elect their own president, who incarnates and protects the sovereignty of his people. A guardian of the institutions, the president entrusts government to the Prime Minister, who is from the Parliament. Last June 2, in Belgrade, two emissaries of the allied countries, the Finnish president and the Foreign Minister of Russia, submitted a proposal for a peace agreement to Slobodan Milosevic. Let us picture the scene: the representative of a small republic, mandated by the Western World, looks the dictator in the eyes and says to him: take it or leave it. The rest is history. With what authority would Findland have spoken if she had remained a kingdom represented by a lieutenant-governor officiating for the Swedish Crown?		The Finns, like Quebecers, have a vast boreal forest strewn with lakes and rivers. However, this small nation of five million inhabitants enjoys an advantage unknown to Quebecers: she lives in a republic, since this ancient duchy of the Swedish Crown emancipated from the tsars and Lénine in 1919. The Finns elect their own president, who incarnates and protects the sovereignty of his people. A guardian of the institutions, the president entrusts government to the Prime Minister, who is from the Parliament. Last June 2, in Belgrade, two emissaries of the allied countries, the Finnish president and the Foreign Minister of Russia, submitted a proposal for a peace agreement to Slobodan Milosevic. Let us picture the scene: the representative of a small republic, mandated by the Western World, looks the dictator in the eyes and says to him: take it or leave it. The rest is history. With what authority would Findland have spoken if she had remained a kingdom represented by a lieutenant-governor officiating for the Swedish Crown?

Mathieugp: /* Qui est Marc Chevrier? */

2007-10-25T20:04:23Z

Qui est Marc Chevrier?

← Older revision		Revision as of 20:04, 25 October 2007
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	Un peuple d'Amérique peut-il s'enorgueillir d'être une petite couronne dans un Dominion, songe d'une vieille Europe révolue? Ne désespérons pas trop. Bien des républiques d'Amérique latine peuvent nous envier notre vie démocratique, faite d'alternance des partis et de respect du droit, notre niveau de vie et d'instruction, une richesse mieux répartie que chez elles. Le grand malheur des républiques latines fut d'acquérir tôt le statut de république sans pouvoir en réaliser dès après les promesses. Tandis que Papineau prononçait ses harangues à l'assemblée du Bas-Canada, elles naissaient dans le tumulte des cendres des vice-royautés espagnoles. Notre chance à nous, Québécois de toutes racines, c'est d'avoir accompli plusieurs de ces promesses. Il importe que notre petite nation futée fasse un jour s'accorder l'État qui la gouverne avec les idéaux et les réalisations dont elle est digne. Enracinée en amont dans un passé fondateur, notre république peut aller, tel son grand fleuve, en s'élargissant dans l'avenir, et maintenir vivant l'idéal pour lequel jadis de grands héros combattirent dans toute l'Amérique.		Un peuple d'Amérique peut-il s'enorgueillir d'être une petite couronne dans un Dominion, songe d'une vieille Europe révolue? Ne désespérons pas trop. Bien des républiques d'Amérique latine peuvent nous envier notre vie démocratique, faite d'alternance des partis et de respect du droit, notre niveau de vie et d'instruction, une richesse mieux répartie que chez elles. Le grand malheur des républiques latines fut d'acquérir tôt le statut de république sans pouvoir en réaliser dès après les promesses. Tandis que Papineau prononçait ses harangues à l'assemblée du Bas-Canada, elles naissaient dans le tumulte des cendres des vice-royautés espagnoles. Notre chance à nous, Québécois de toutes racines, c'est d'avoir accompli plusieurs de ces promesses. Il importe que notre petite nation futée fasse un jour s'accorder l'État qui la gouverne avec les idéaux et les réalisations dont elle est digne. Enracinée en amont dans un passé fondateur, notre république peut aller, tel son grand fleuve, en s'élargissant dans l'avenir, et maintenir vivant l'idéal pour lequel jadis de grands héros combattirent dans toute l'Amérique.

	==~~Qui est~~ Marc Chevrier?==		==Who is Marc Chevrier?==

	~~Après des études en philosophie à l'université~~ McGill, Marc Chevrier a ~~complété une~~ licence ~~en droit à l'~~Université de Montréal ~~et une maîtrise en droit à l'Université de~~ Cambridge, ~~en Grande-Bretagne~~. ~~Il a ensuite travaillé pendant plusieurs années dans les affaires constitutionnelles~~, l'immigration ~~et la~~ communication ~~publique~~. ~~Il termine actuellement une thèse de~~ science ~~politique sur la~~ justice ~~constitutionnelle au~~ Canada ~~depuis l'~~introduction ~~de la Charte canadienne en~~ 1982, ~~qu'il compte soutenir à~~ Paris. M. Chevrier ~~a collaboré à de nombreuses revues québécoises~~, ~~dont~~ L'Agora, Liberté, L'Action nationale, Possibles, Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au XXe siècle et Argument. ~~Outre les~~ questions ~~politiques~~, ~~il s'est intéressé à la réforme du système éducatif et à l'~~impact ~~des médias sur la réalité~~. ~~Il a aussi réalisé plusieurs études ministérielles~~, ~~notamment sur la politique linguistique au Québec et la démocratie québécoise~~.		After doing philosophy studies at McGill University, Marc Chevrier completed a licence in law at Université de Montréal and master in law at the University of Cambridge, in Great Britain. He then worked for several years in constitutional affairs, immigration and public communication. He currently works on a political science thesis on constitutional justice in Canada since the introduction of the Canadian Charter in 1982, which he intends to support in Paris. Mr. Chevrier collaborated in many Quebec reviews, of which ''L'Agora'', ''Liberté'', ''L'Action nationale'', ''Possibles'', ''Les Cahiers d'histoire du Québec au XXe siècle'' and ''Argument''. In addition to political questions, he took an interest in the reform of the education system and the impact of media on reality. He also made several ministerial studies, in particular on the linguistic policy of Quebec and the Quebec democracy.

Mathieugp: /* The birth of a republic */

2007-10-25T19:57:18Z

The birth of a republic

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:57, 25 October 2007
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	The republic is more than an assembly of institutions and procedures. It is also a state of mind, a vision of politics. Throughout his career, Papineau, and several "rouges" after him, restlessly denounced "the spirit of servility" that monarchy would install in the Canadian political community. The republic, however, honours women and men who compete in address and intelligence to gain the confidence of the people and to serve the public good. The republican unceasingly fears that the public thing falls into the hands of acting minorities, the invisible hand of money, the iron hand of a magistrate, the felted hand of a civil servant or a lobby. This is why it is necessary to separate powers inside the State, as well as to clearly cut off the State from civil society. To be republican is also to think the balance, politically sought for, between a society and a State that both enjoy autonomy in order to contribute to the collective good.		The republic is more than an assembly of institutions and procedures. It is also a state of mind, a vision of politics. Throughout his career, Papineau, and several "rouges" after him, restlessly denounced "the spirit of servility" that monarchy would install in the Canadian political community. The republic, however, honours women and men who compete in address and intelligence to gain the confidence of the people and to serve the public good. The republican unceasingly fears that the public thing falls into the hands of acting minorities, the invisible hand of money, the iron hand of a magistrate, the felted hand of a civil servant or a lobby. This is why it is necessary to separate powers inside the State, as well as to clearly cut off the State from civil society. To be republican is also to think the balance, politically sought for, between a society and a State that both enjoy autonomy in order to contribute to the collective good.

	~~Que diable~~, ~~une République du Québec~~! ~~Voilà une utopie, irréalisable tant que le Québec restera rattaché au~~ Dominion. ~~La procédure d'amendement adoptée en~~ 1982 ~~protège par la règle de l'unanimité plusieurs éléments du système monarchique canadien~~, ~~dont la charge du~~ lieutenant-~~gouverneur~~. ~~D'aucuns concluront de cette contrainte que seule la souveraineté du Québec trace la voie vers un régime républicain~~. ~~D'autres~~, ~~au contraire~~, ~~diront que l'hypothèse d'une république fédérée du Québec n'~~a ~~pas vraiment été étudiée et mérite de l'être~~. ~~Quoi qu'il en soit~~, ~~jamais n'~~a~~-t-on réellement envisagé au Québec la question de son statut politique sous un jour républicain~~. ~~Le mot «république» n'est toujours pas revenu de son bannissement~~.		By the devil, a Republic of Quebec! Here is an unrealizable Utopia for as long as Quebec remains attached to the Dominion. The amendment formula adopted in 1982 protects by the unanimity rule several elements of the Canadian monarchical system, of which the position of lieutenant-governor. Some will conclude from this constraint that only the sovereignty of Quebec traces the way toward a republican system. Others, on the contrary, will say that the hypothesis of a federate republic of Quebec was not really studied and deserves to be so. At all events, never in Quebec did we really consider the question of our political status from a republican perspective. The word "republic" has not yet returned from its banishment.

	Un peuple d'Amérique peut-il s'enorgueillir d'être une petite couronne dans un Dominion, songe d'une vieille Europe révolue? Ne désespérons pas trop. Bien des républiques d'Amérique latine peuvent nous envier notre vie démocratique, faite d'alternance des partis et de respect du droit, notre niveau de vie et d'instruction, une richesse mieux répartie que chez elles. Le grand malheur des républiques latines fut d'acquérir tôt le statut de république sans pouvoir en réaliser dès après les promesses. Tandis que Papineau prononçait ses harangues à l'assemblée du Bas-Canada, elles naissaient dans le tumulte des cendres des vice-royautés espagnoles. Notre chance à nous, Québécois de toutes racines, c'est d'avoir accompli plusieurs de ces promesses. Il importe que notre petite nation futée fasse un jour s'accorder l'État qui la gouverne avec les idéaux et les réalisations dont elle est digne. Enracinée en amont dans un passé fondateur, notre république peut aller, tel son grand fleuve, en s'élargissant dans l'avenir, et maintenir vivant l'idéal pour lequel jadis de grands héros combattirent dans toute l'Amérique.		Un peuple d'Amérique peut-il s'enorgueillir d'être une petite couronne dans un Dominion, songe d'une vieille Europe révolue? Ne désespérons pas trop. Bien des républiques d'Amérique latine peuvent nous envier notre vie démocratique, faite d'alternance des partis et de respect du droit, notre niveau de vie et d'instruction, une richesse mieux répartie que chez elles. Le grand malheur des républiques latines fut d'acquérir tôt le statut de république sans pouvoir en réaliser dès après les promesses. Tandis que Papineau prononçait ses harangues à l'assemblée du Bas-Canada, elles naissaient dans le tumulte des cendres des vice-royautés espagnoles. Notre chance à nous, Québécois de toutes racines, c'est d'avoir accompli plusieurs de ces promesses. Il importe que notre petite nation futée fasse un jour s'accorder l'État qui la gouverne avec les idéaux et les réalisations dont elle est digne. Enracinée en amont dans un passé fondateur, notre république peut aller, tel son grand fleuve, en s'élargissant dans l'avenir, et maintenir vivant l'idéal pour lequel jadis de grands héros combattirent dans toute l'Amérique.

Mathieugp at 19:48, 23 October 2007

2007-10-23T19:48:55Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:48, 23 October 2007
Line 9:		Line 9:
	Saturdays July 10, 1999		Saturdays July 10, 1999

	The Finns, like Quebecers, have a vast boreal forest strewn with lakes and rivers. However, this small nation of five million inhabitants enjoys an advantage unknown to Quebecers: she lives in a republic, since this ancient duchy of the Swedish Crown emancipated from the tsars and Lénine in 1919. The Finns elect their own president, who incarnates and protects sovereignty of his people. A guardian of the institutions, the president entrusts government to the Prime Minister, who is from the Parliament. Last June 2, in Belgrade, two emissaries of the allied countries, the Finnish president and the Foreign Minister of Russia, submitted a proposal for a peace agreement to Slobodan Milosevic. Let us picture the scene: the representative of a small republic, mandated by the Western World, looks the dictator in the eyes and says to him: take it or leave it. The rest is history. With what authority would Findland have spoken if she had remained a kingdom represented by a lieutenant-governor officiating for the Swedish Crown?		The Finns, like Quebecers, have a vast boreal forest strewn with lakes and rivers. However, this small nation of five million inhabitants enjoys an advantage unknown to Quebecers: she lives in a republic, since this ancient duchy of the Swedish Crown emancipated from the tsars and Lénine in 1919. The Finns elect their own president, who incarnates and protects the sovereignty of his people. A guardian of the institutions, the president entrusts government to the Prime Minister, who is from the Parliament. Last June 2, in Belgrade, two emissaries of the allied countries, the Finnish president and the Foreign Minister of Russia, submitted a proposal for a peace agreement to Slobodan Milosevic. Let us picture the scene: the representative of a small republic, mandated by the Western World, looks the dictator in the eyes and says to him: take it or leave it. The rest is history. With what authority would Findland have spoken if she had remained a kingdom represented by a lieutenant-governor officiating for the Swedish Crown?

	All of America is republican, except Canada, the last monarchy of the continent. The official name of the country still bares the trace of its origins, the Dominion of Canada, same for its Constitution of 1867, proclaimed by Queen Victoria. The question of the political regime, monarchy or republic, was at the centre of the debates which prepared the creation of the Dominion. An alliance of Loyalist Tories and French-Canadian Chouans triumphed over the opposition of the republican liberals of the time. This federal monarchy was composed of three elements: a legitimacy principle, a system of government and a political tradition.		All of America is republican, except Canada, the last monarchy of the continent. The official name of the country still bares the trace of its origins, the Dominion of Canada, same for its Constitution of 1867, proclaimed by Queen Victoria. The question of the political regime, monarchy or republic, was at the centre of the debates which prepared the creation of the Dominion. An alliance of Loyalist Tories and French-Canadian Chouans triumphed over the opposition of the republican liberals of the time. This federal monarchy was composed of three elements: a legitimacy principle, a system of government and a political tradition.

Mathieugp at 19:47, 23 October 2007

2007-10-23T19:47:17Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:47, 23 October 2007
Line 11:		Line 11:
	The Finns, like Quebecers, have a vast boreal forest strewn with lakes and rivers. However, this small nation of five million inhabitants enjoys an advantage unknown to Quebecers: she lives in a republic, since this ancient duchy of the Swedish Crown emancipated from the tsars and Lénine in 1919. The Finns elect their own president, who incarnates and protects sovereignty of his people. A guardian of the institutions, the president entrusts government to the Prime Minister, who is from the Parliament. Last June 2, in Belgrade, two emissaries of the allied countries, the Finnish president and the Foreign Minister of Russia, submitted a proposal for a peace agreement to Slobodan Milosevic. Let us picture the scene: the representative of a small republic, mandated by the Western World, looks the dictator in the eyes and says to him: take it or leave it. The rest is history. With what authority would Findland have spoken if she had remained a kingdom represented by a lieutenant-governor officiating for the Swedish Crown?		The Finns, like Quebecers, have a vast boreal forest strewn with lakes and rivers. However, this small nation of five million inhabitants enjoys an advantage unknown to Quebecers: she lives in a republic, since this ancient duchy of the Swedish Crown emancipated from the tsars and Lénine in 1919. The Finns elect their own president, who incarnates and protects sovereignty of his people. A guardian of the institutions, the president entrusts government to the Prime Minister, who is from the Parliament. Last June 2, in Belgrade, two emissaries of the allied countries, the Finnish president and the Foreign Minister of Russia, submitted a proposal for a peace agreement to Slobodan Milosevic. Let us picture the scene: the representative of a small republic, mandated by the Western World, looks the dictator in the eyes and says to him: take it or leave it. The rest is history. With what authority would Findland have spoken if she had remained a kingdom represented by a lieutenant-governor officiating for the Swedish Crown?

	All of America is republican, except Canada, the last monarchy of the continent. The official name of the country still bares the trace of its origins, the Dominion of Canada, same for its Constitution of 1867, proclaimed by Queen Victoria. The question of the political regime, monarchy or republic, was at the centre of the debates which prepared the creation of the Dominion. An alliance of Loyalist ~~tories~~ and French-Canadian Chouans triumphed over the opposition of the republican liberals of the time. This federal monarchy was composed of three elements: a legitimacy principle, a system of government and a political tradition.		All of America is republican, except Canada, the last monarchy of the continent. The official name of the country still bares the trace of its origins, the Dominion of Canada, same for its Constitution of 1867, proclaimed by Queen Victoria. The question of the political regime, monarchy or republic, was at the centre of the debates which prepared the creation of the Dominion. An alliance of Loyalist Tories and French-Canadian Chouans triumphed over the opposition of the republican liberals of the time. This federal monarchy was composed of three elements: a legitimacy principle, a system of government and a political tradition.

	For MacDonald and Cartier, the democratic principle could not by itself guarantee the new Canadian State a sufficient foundation and authority. One needed a higher principle of legitimacy: an imposing one. This principle would flow from the British sovereign, whose majesty was to be felt on all stages of the Dominion. Placed at its head, governors, in the beginning appointed by London, would have everyone feel this majesty, also communicated by the currency, the parliamentary rites and the oath of allegiance. Quebec then reappeared in the imperial shape of a "province" capped of its own viceroy, the lieutenant-governor.		For MacDonald and Cartier, the democratic principle could not by itself guarantee the new Canadian State a sufficient foundation and authority. One needed a higher principle of legitimacy: an imposing one. This principle would flow from the British sovereign, whose majesty was to be felt on all stages of the Dominion. Placed at its head, governors, in the beginning appointed by London, would have everyone feel this majesty, also communicated by the currency, the parliamentary rites and the oath of allegiance. Quebec then reappeared in the imperial shape of a "province" capped of its own viceroy, the lieutenant-governor.
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	But then, how would the republic come? First of all, Quebecers will have to be impassioned for the public thing. This moment will possibly occur with for example the election of a constitutional convention, responsible to prepare a Constitution project. What would this republic look like? Here are some hypotheses. At its head would be a president, an official elected through universal suffrage or by an electoral college compose of members of Parliament and deputy citizens. The president would exert a useful counterweight to the power of the Prime Minister and would take care of the safeguarding of the Constitution and the institutions. This, Quebecers would learn to distinguish the State from the government of the day, instead of confusing them. The Quebec Parliament would reach a new balance, with the creation of an elected Senate, proportionally or differently. Representing the regions and Quebec society in its diversity, the senators would take part in the legislation and the control of the Administration and State corporations. They would evaluate the conformity of the bills to constitutional freedoms and would dialogue with judges on the extent of these freedoms. The elections would take place at fixed date, except in case of a major crisis, their advent ceasing to be a discretionary prerogative. The republic would make a more frequent and more sophisticated use of referendums, when the voice of the people would appear the best procedure of decision. Acting on the initiative of the citizens, the president or the members of Parliament, the constitutional Council would control the validity of the laws and the elections. Judges would draw their authority from the Constitution alone, not of an antique crown. Here are as many ways to republicanize our State; there can be others and better ones.		But then, how would the republic come? First of all, Quebecers will have to be impassioned for the public thing. This moment will possibly occur with for example the election of a constitutional convention, responsible to prepare a Constitution project. What would this republic look like? Here are some hypotheses. At its head would be a president, an official elected through universal suffrage or by an electoral college compose of members of Parliament and deputy citizens. The president would exert a useful counterweight to the power of the Prime Minister and would take care of the safeguarding of the Constitution and the institutions. This, Quebecers would learn to distinguish the State from the government of the day, instead of confusing them. The Quebec Parliament would reach a new balance, with the creation of an elected Senate, proportionally or differently. Representing the regions and Quebec society in its diversity, the senators would take part in the legislation and the control of the Administration and State corporations. They would evaluate the conformity of the bills to constitutional freedoms and would dialogue with judges on the extent of these freedoms. The elections would take place at fixed date, except in case of a major crisis, their advent ceasing to be a discretionary prerogative. The republic would make a more frequent and more sophisticated use of referendums, when the voice of the people would appear the best procedure of decision. Acting on the initiative of the citizens, the president or the members of Parliament, the constitutional Council would control the validity of the laws and the elections. Judges would draw their authority from the Constitution alone, not of an antique crown. Here are as many ways to republicanize our State; there can be others and better ones.

	~~La république vaut plus qu'un assemblage d'~~institutions ~~et de procédures~~. ~~C'est aussi un état d'esprit~~, ~~une~~ vision ~~du politique~~. ~~Tout au long de sa carrière~~, Papineau, ~~et plusieurs «rouges» après lui~~, ~~s'épuisa à dénoncer «l'esprit de servilité» que la monarchie installerait chez la classe politique canadienne~~. ~~La république~~, ~~elle~~, ~~honore les femmes et les hommes qui rivalisent d'adresse et d'~~intelligence ~~pour se gagner la confiance du peuple et servir le bien~~ public. ~~Le républicain craint sans cesse que la chose publique ne tombe dans les mains de minorités agissantes~~, ~~main~~ invisible ~~de l'argent~~, ~~main de fer d'un magistrat~~, ~~main feutrée du fonctionnaire ou d'un groupe d'intérêt~~. ~~C'est pourquoi il faut bien séparer les pouvoirs à l'intérieur de l'État~~, ~~comme bien retrancher ce dernier de la société civile~~. ~~Être républicain, c'est aussi penser l'équilibre~~, ~~politiquement voulu~~, ~~entre une société et un État qui jouissent l'un à l'égard de l'autre d'une autonomie pour concourir au bien collectif~~.		The republic is more than an assembly of institutions and procedures. It is also a state of mind, a vision of politics. Throughout his career, Papineau, and several "rouges" after him, restlessly denounced "the spirit of servility" that monarchy would install in the Canadian political community. The republic, however, honours women and men who compete in address and intelligence to gain the confidence of the people and to serve the public good. The republican unceasingly fears that the public thing falls into the hands of acting minorities, the invisible hand of money, the iron hand of a magistrate, the felted hand of a civil servant or a lobby. This is why it is necessary to separate powers inside the State, as well as to clearly cut off the State from civil society. To be republican is also to think the balance, politically sought for, between a society and a State that both enjoy autonomy in order to contribute to the collective good.

	Que diable, une République du Québec! Voilà une utopie, irréalisable tant que le Québec restera rattaché au Dominion. La procédure d'amendement adoptée en 1982 protège par la règle de l'unanimité plusieurs éléments du système monarchique canadien, dont la charge du lieutenant-gouverneur. D'aucuns concluront de cette contrainte que seule la souveraineté du Québec trace la voie vers un régime républicain. D'autres, au contraire, diront que l'hypothèse d'une république fédérée du Québec n'a pas vraiment été étudiée et mérite de l'être. Quoi qu'il en soit, jamais n'a-t-on réellement envisagé au Québec la question de son statut politique sous un jour républicain. Le mot «république» n'est toujours pas revenu de son bannissement.		Que diable, une République du Québec! Voilà une utopie, irréalisable tant que le Québec restera rattaché au Dominion. La procédure d'amendement adoptée en 1982 protège par la règle de l'unanimité plusieurs éléments du système monarchique canadien, dont la charge du lieutenant-gouverneur. D'aucuns concluront de cette contrainte que seule la souveraineté du Québec trace la voie vers un régime républicain. D'autres, au contraire, diront que l'hypothèse d'une république fédérée du Québec n'a pas vraiment été étudiée et mérite de l'être. Quoi qu'il en soit, jamais n'a-t-on réellement envisagé au Québec la question de son statut politique sous un jour républicain. Le mot «république» n'est toujours pas revenu de son bannissement.

Mathieugp: /* The birth of a republic */

2007-10-23T18:40:25Z

The birth of a republic

← Older revision		Revision as of 18:40, 23 October 2007
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	==The birth of a republic==		==The birth of a republic==

	~~Mais alors~~, ~~comment viendrait la république~~? ~~Tout d'abord~~, ~~les Québécois devront se passionner pour la chose publique~~. Ce moment ~~pourra survenir avec l'élection par exemple d'une~~ convention ~~constitutionnelle~~, ~~chargée de préparer un projet de~~ Constitution. ~~Quel serait le visage de cette république~~? ~~Voici des hypothèses~~. ~~À sa tête se tiendrait un président~~, ~~élu au~~ suffrage ~~universel ou par un collège électoral formé de parlementaires et de citoyens délégués~~. ~~Le président exercerait un contrepoids utile au pouvoir du premier ministre et veillerait au maintien de la~~ Constitution ~~et des~~ institutions. ~~De cette manière~~, ~~les Québécois apprendraient à distinguer l'État du gouvernement du jour~~, ~~au lieu de les confondre~~. ~~Le Parlement québécois atteindrait un nouvel équilibre~~, ~~avec la création d'un Sénat élu~~, ~~à la proportionnelle ou autrement~~. ~~Représentant les régions et la société québécoise dans sa diversité~~, ~~les sénateurs participeraient à la législation et au contrôle de l'administration et des sociétés d'État~~. ~~Ils évalueraient la conformité des projets de loi avec les libertés constitutionnelles et dialogueraient avec les juges sur la portée de ces libertés~~. ~~Les élections auraient lieu à~~ date ~~fixe~~, ~~sauf cas de crise majeure~~, ~~leur déclenchement cessant d'être une prérogative discrétionnaire~~. ~~La république ferait un usage plus fréquent et plus sophistiqué du référendum~~, ~~quand la voix du peuple paraît la meilleure procédure de décision~~. ~~Agissant sur l'~~initiative ~~des citoyens~~, ~~du président ou des parlementaires~~, ~~un Conseil constitutionnel contrôlerait la validité des lois et des élections~~. ~~Les juges tireraient leur autorité de la~~ Constitution ~~seule~~, ~~non d'une~~ antique ~~couronne~~. ~~Voilà autant de façons de républicaniser notre État~~; ~~il peut y en avoir d'autres, et de meilleures~~.		But then, how would the republic come? First of all, Quebecers will have to be impassioned for the public thing. This moment will possibly occur with for example the election of a constitutional convention, responsible to prepare a Constitution project. What would this republic look like? Here are some hypotheses. At its head would be a president, an official elected through universal suffrage or by an electoral college compose of members of Parliament and deputy citizens. The president would exert a useful counterweight to the power of the Prime Minister and would take care of the safeguarding of the Constitution and the institutions. This, Quebecers would learn to distinguish the State from the government of the day, instead of confusing them. The Quebec Parliament would reach a new balance, with the creation of an elected Senate, proportionally or differently. Representing the regions and Quebec society in its diversity, the senators would take part in the legislation and the control of the Administration and State corporations. They would evaluate the conformity of the bills to constitutional freedoms and would dialogue with judges on the extent of these freedoms. The elections would take place at fixed date, except in case of a major crisis, their advent ceasing to be a discretionary prerogative. The republic would make a more frequent and more sophisticated use of referendums, when the voice of the people would appear the best procedure of decision. Acting on the initiative of the citizens, the president or the members of Parliament, the constitutional Council would control the validity of the laws and the elections. Judges would draw their authority from the Constitution alone, not of an antique crown. Here are as many ways to republicanize our State; there can be others and better ones.

	La république vaut plus qu'un assemblage d'institutions et de procédures. C'est aussi un état d'esprit, une vision du politique. Tout au long de sa carrière, Papineau, et plusieurs «rouges» après lui, s'épuisa à dénoncer «l'esprit de servilité» que la monarchie installerait chez la classe politique canadienne. La république, elle, honore les femmes et les hommes qui rivalisent d'adresse et d'intelligence pour se gagner la confiance du peuple et servir le bien public. Le républicain craint sans cesse que la chose publique ne tombe dans les mains de minorités agissantes, main invisible de l'argent, main de fer d'un magistrat, main feutrée du fonctionnaire ou d'un groupe d'intérêt. C'est pourquoi il faut bien séparer les pouvoirs à l'intérieur de l'État, comme bien retrancher ce dernier de la société civile. Être républicain, c'est aussi penser l'équilibre, politiquement voulu, entre une société et un État qui jouissent l'un à l'égard de l'autre d'une autonomie pour concourir au bien collectif.		La république vaut plus qu'un assemblage d'institutions et de procédures. C'est aussi un état d'esprit, une vision du politique. Tout au long de sa carrière, Papineau, et plusieurs «rouges» après lui, s'épuisa à dénoncer «l'esprit de servilité» que la monarchie installerait chez la classe politique canadienne. La république, elle, honore les femmes et les hommes qui rivalisent d'adresse et d'intelligence pour se gagner la confiance du peuple et servir le bien public. Le républicain craint sans cesse que la chose publique ne tombe dans les mains de minorités agissantes, main invisible de l'argent, main de fer d'un magistrat, main feutrée du fonctionnaire ou d'un groupe d'intérêt. C'est pourquoi il faut bien séparer les pouvoirs à l'intérieur de l'État, comme bien retrancher ce dernier de la société civile. Être républicain, c'est aussi penser l'équilibre, politiquement voulu, entre une société et un État qui jouissent l'un à l'égard de l'autre d'une autonomie pour concourir au bien collectif.