Independence of Québec - User contributions [en]

Quebec and Estonia

2011-09-08T13:22:06Z

Yvesmarie:

This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_rannut_vf.pdf "Le Québec et l'Estonie"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

Mart Rannut, vice-dean of research at the Department of Philology of the [[Wikipedia:University of Tallinn|University of Tallinn]], in [[Wikipedia:Estonia|Estonia]].

During the period of independent legislation (already possible in 1988, when Estonia still formed part of the [[Wikipedia:Soviet Union|Soviet Union]], then in the process of collapse), Estonia adopted two laws directly regulating the use of language. The first, adopted in 1989, was a transitory law of standardization, of which many provisions aimed at protecting the use of bilingualism by individuals, providing for a transitional period towards [[Wikipedia:Estonian language|Estonian]] for physical persons. The second, adopted in 1995, founded the current linguistic system with a single national language and some options for the use of other languages according to the region (territorial autonomy), the minority group (cultural autonomy) and the functional field (like tourism and trade).

At the time of the drafting of the Estonian language Law of 1989, local knowhow in this field was insufficient. It was thus necessary to resort to external help. One of my colleagues, Tiiu Erelt, pleasantly offered me documentation coming from Quebec, the text of Bill 101 and the comments relative to this law, which were analyzed attentively. It is on this basis that Arvo Eek, Väino Villik, Kaido Pihlakas, Aare Tark, Mart Meri and Mart Rannut wrote a preliminary version, which was then sent in [[Wikipedia:Finland|Finland]] to Liisa Huovinen-Nyberg and Mikael Reuter, researchers of the [[Wikipedia:Research Institute for the Languages of Finland|KOTUS]], the research center on national languages, whose observations and recommendations were very invaluable. Certain ideas were given up or radically changed during the political campaign of the parliamentary committee. (At that time, the Parliament, the [[Wikipedia:Supreme Soviet|Supreme Soviet]], was still a place where one voted by a raising the hand, and it was not recommended to express divergent opinions there.) In spite of the great number of changes, the basic ideas drawn from Bill 101 were still recognizable in the final version which was adopted.

The law had an enormous influence. Some of its elements were retaken by other [[Wikipedia:Baltic States|Baltic States]] and countries that had gained independence from the former Soviet Union. In addition, the experience gained by writing this law enabled us to advise [[Wikipedia:Moldova|Moldova]] in 1989 and [[Wikipedia:Yakutia|Yakutia]], to make our regulation on the language known to a delegation of [[Wikipedia:Kazakhstan|Kazakhstan]] and to hold several meetings with specialists in the [[Wikipedia:Ukraine|Ukraine]]. Thus, Bill 101 indirectly touched one sixth of the planet.

Many researchers have analyzed the similarities or, more precisely, the bonds between the Estonian language law and Bill 101.

==See also==

* [[Quebec and Catalonia]] by Miquel Reniu i Tresserras
* [[Influence of the Charter of the French language in China]] by Zhou Qingsheng
* [[Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective]] by Bernard Spolsky
* [[The perception of Quebec's "fait français" in the United States]] by Joshua A. Fishman
* [[The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales]] by Colin H. Williams
* [[Language policy in Australia - a non-legislative model]] by Uldis Ozolins
* [[The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States]] by [[Wikipedia:Ina Druviete|Ina Druviete]]
* [[The use of languages in Flanders and a comparison with that of Quebec]] by Jean Dujardin
* [[The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today]] by Jonas Žilinskas
* [[The impact of Quebec's linguistic policy abroad seen from francophone Belgium]] by Jean-Marie Klinkenberg
* [[The influence of Quebec's linguistic legislation in the political and cultural life of Porto Rico]] by Luis Muñiz-Argüelles

[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]

Quebec and Estonia

2011-09-08T12:57:34Z

Yvesmarie:

This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_rannut_vf.pdf "Le Québec et l'Estonie"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

Mart Rannut, vice-dean of research at the Department of Philology of the [[Wikipedia:University of Tallinn|University of Tallinn]], in [[Wikipedia:Estonia|Estonia]].

During the period of independent legislation (already possible in 1988, when Estonia still formed part of the [[Wikipedia:Soviet Union|Soviet Union]], then in the process of collapse), Estonia adopted two laws directly regulating the use of language. The first, adopted in 1989, was a transitory law of standardization, of which many provisions aimed at protecting the use of bilingualism by individuals, providing for a transitional period towards [[Wikipedia:Estonian language|Estonian]] for physical persons. The second, adopted in 1995, founded the current linguistic system with a single national language and some options for the use of other languages according to the region (territorial autonomy), the minority group (cultural autonomy) and the functional field (for example tourism, trade).

At the time of the drafting of the Estonian language Law of 1989, local knowhow in this field was insufficient. It was thus necessary to resort to external help. One of my colleagues, Tiiu Erelt, pleasantly offered me documentation coming from Quebec, the text of Bill 101 and the comments relative to this law, which were analyzed attentively. It is on this basis that Arvo Eek, Väino Villik, Kaido Pihlakas, Aare Tark, Mart Meri and Mart Rannut wrote a preliminary version, which was then sent in [[Wikipedia:Finland|Finland]] to Liisa Huovinen-Nyberg and Mikael Reuter, researchers of the [[Wikipedia:Research Institute for the Languages of Finland|KOTUS]], the research center on national languages, whose observations and recommendations were very invaluable. Certain ideas were given up or radically changed during the political campaign of the parliamentary committee. (At that time, the Parliament, the [[Wikipedia:Supreme Soviet|Supreme Soviet]], was still a place where one voted by a raising the hand, and it was not recommended to express divergent opinions there.) In spite of the great number of changes, the basic ideas drawn from Bill 101 were still recognizable in the final version which was adopted.

The law had an enormous influence. Some of its elements were retaken by other [[Wikipedia:Baltic States|Baltic States]] and countries that had gained independence from the former Soviet Union. In addition, the experience gained by writing this law enabled us to advise [[Wikipedia:Moldova|Moldova]] in 1989 and [[Wikipedia:Yakutia|Yakutia]], to make our regulation on the language known to a delegation of [[Wikipedia:Kazakhstan|Kazakhstan]] and to hold several meetings with specialists in the [[Wikipedia:Ukraine|Ukraine]]. Thus, Bill 101 indirectly touched one sixth of the planet.

Many researchers have analyzed the similarities or, more precisely, the bonds between the Estonian language law and Bill 101.

==See also==

* [[Quebec and Catalonia]] by Miquel Reniu i Tresserras
* [[Influence of the Charter of the French language in China]] by Zhou Qingsheng
* [[Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective]] by Bernard Spolsky
* [[The perception of Quebec's "fait français" in the United States]] by Joshua A. Fishman
* [[The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales]] by Colin H. Williams
* [[Language policy in Australia - a non-legislative model]] by Uldis Ozolins
* [[The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States]] by [[Wikipedia:Ina Druviete|Ina Druviete]]
* [[The use of languages in Flanders and a comparison with that of Quebec]] by Jean Dujardin
* [[The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today]] by Jonas Žilinskas
* [[The impact of Quebec's linguistic policy abroad seen from francophone Belgium]] by Jean-Marie Klinkenberg
* [[The influence of Quebec's linguistic legislation in the political and cultural life of Porto Rico]] by Luis Muñiz-Argüelles

[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]

The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States

2011-09-08T12:55:26Z

Yvesmarie:

This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_druviete_vf.pdf "La Charte de la langue française et les lois linguistiques dans les Pays baltes"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

Already before the disintegration of the USSR, society and local authorities had taken measures to put an end to the restrictions on the languages other than Russian and to prevent Russianization and language shifts. Almost all the republics adopted some articles in their Constitution and linguistic laws. The Baltic States were pioneers in this respect: Estonia (January 18, 1989), Lithuania (January 25, 1989) and Latvia (May 5, 1989). The linguistic laws were among the first to be adopted during the period of the perestroika (1987-1989) along with the legalization of the flags and national anthems (Rannut, 1994; Veisbergs, 1998).

The goal of our linguistic policy was similar to that of Quebec: to prevent language shifts and to modify the hierarchy of languages in the public life. The principal sectors of intervention were the language used in the government agencies and and the administration, in meetings and office spaces in particular, in corporate names, information and education. The principle of territorial linguistic rights was instituted.

The instability of the political situation between 1989 and 1991 blocked the application of the linguistic laws of 1989. It is only after the restoration of independence in August 1991 that the country could resolutely take care of the issues related to the status and the role of Latvian, Lithuanian and Estonian. Nevertheless, the relatively slow and peaceful three years transition played a very important part in making it possible for society to adapt itself psychologically to envisaged transformation in the hierarchy of languages.

...

{{GFDL}}

[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]

The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today

2011-09-08T12:54:08Z

Yvesmarie:

This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_zilinkas_vf.pdf "Le problème du bilinguisme en Lituanie aujourd'hui"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

By Jonas Žilinskas, lecturer at [[University of Šiauliai]], in [[Wikipedia:Lithuania|Lithuania]].

Throughout its history, the [[Wikipedia:Lithuanian people|Lithuanian people]] and [[Wikipedia:Lithuanian language|Lithuanian language]] have gone through periods of greatness and decline. Since the XIXth century, the originality of the Lithuanian language catches the attention of linguists in the whole world. It was codified at the end of XIXth and the beginning of the XXth century.

During the Sovietic period, the Lithuanian language was replaced by [[Wikipedia:Russian language|Russian]] little by little. [[Wikipedia:Russification|Russianization]] was even harder than during the rule of the [[Russian tsars]]. A policy of bilingualism expressed only by the obligation made to Lithuanians to learn Russian while Russians did not bother to learn Lithuanian was proclaimed. If the written Lithuanian language were more or less protected by writers through newspapers and publishers, the spoken Lithuanian language was degraded. Often, in the institutions, it was only a language of oral communication, the greatest part of technical documentation and correspondence being written in Russian.

The school was powerless to oppose the propagation of this false bilingualism. The number of hours devoted to the teaching of Lithuanian fell: Russian was taught even in kindergartens. The remuneration of Russian teachers for the same number of hours was higher than that of the teachers of Lithuanian. The majority of the textbooks for the other subject matters being taught were translated from Russian to Lithuanian, not always correctly.

Research by Lithuanian linguists was controlled by "the party and the government" that often saw "premises of nationalism" in them. The majority of scientific fields were completely Russianized: exact sciences, natural science, political sciences, diplomacy, military sciences... Researchers in all fields, Lithuanian ones included, were obliged to prepare and defend their doctoral theses in Russian.

The knowledge of Russian had become a social need and, towards the end of 1980s, there were already approximately 90% of young Lithuanians from 16 to 25 years old who usually spoke Russian. The Lithuanian people became bilingual while the Russian speakers in Lithuania spoke only Russian. This "bilingualism" degraded the [[Wikipedia:Phonetics|phonetics]], [[Wikipedia:Morphology (linguistics)|morphology]], [[Wikipedia:Syntax|syntax]] and especially the [[Wikipedia:vocabulary|vocabulary]] of Lithuanian.

A great part of the Lithuanian intellectuals were always worried by this problem. This interest became manifest especially during the period of the "[[Wikipedia:Sąjūdis|Sąjūdis]]" popular movement, formed in 1988. It is during the same year, 1988, that the Lithuanian language acquired the status of [[Wikipedia:official language|official language]], a fact which started the process of the reconstitution of democracy, leading to the re-establishment of Lithuania's independence on March 11, 1990.

The [[official language law]] adopted in 1995 changed the attitude of the population of the ethnic minorities in Lithuania towards Lithuanian. This law regulates the use of language in public life only; it obliges institutions to use only the Lithuanian language for their official documentation and their correspondence and guarantees the right of Lithuanian citizens to have access to information in the official language. It does not regulate the usual communication of the inhabitants of the country. Ethnic minorities learn Lithuanian with interest, but they have also enjoyed conditions defined by the legislation to have access to education and media in their own languages. The person having all possibilities to express himself in his mother tongue, and at the same time having a command of the official language of the country, will always feel better protected as a citizen and will more easily enjoy the rights and accomplish the duties defined by the Constitution of the country. This is the principal component of the linguistic policy of the Lithuanian State.

It is necessary to distinguish state bilingualism from personal bilingualism. In all the world's democratic countries, the conditions necessary, so that all the ethnic minorities can learn the official language of the country and participate in its social and cultural life, are created. In Lithuania, a unilingual country, it leads to personal bilingualism. The Lithuanian state continues to create the conditions for the development of this personal bilingualism from primary school where children of ethnic minorities learn the official language and receive a sociocultural formation. Today, there are in Lithuania 97 schools giving a mixed education of languages (85 bilingual schools and 12 trilingual schools).

At the theoretical and practical levels, one is working out a new conception of the teaching of the official language in these mixed schools. It will be directed towards the learning of Lithuanian but also towards the formation of bilingualism. That means that the objective of people belonging to ethnic minority groups will be to reach the same level of practical use for the two languages: their mother tongue and the official language of the country.

In the pursuit of that objective, the experience of the old traditions of state bilingualism and personal bilingualism in Quebec is invaluable to us. A new attitude towards bilingualism also appears little by little in certain countries of Europe, for example in [[Wikipedia:England|England]], [[Wikipedia:Ireland|Ireland]] and elsewhere.

People sometimes worry about the negative interference of languages, but the positive or negative characteristics of bilingualism generally depend on the formation methods, the sociolinguistic situations as well as the very attitude of the State towards this problem, and the principles of bilingualism it defines.

== See also ==

* [[Quebec and Catalonia]] by Miquel Reniu i Tresserras
* [[Influence of the Charter of the French language in China]] by Zhou Qingsheng
* [[Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective]] by Bernard Spolsky
* [[The perception of Quebec's "fait français" in the United States]] by Joshua A. Fishman
* [[Quebec and Estonia]] by Mart Rannut
* [[The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales]] by Colin H. Williams
* [[Language policy in Australia - a non-legislative model]] by Uldis Ozolins
* [[The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States]] by [[Wikipedia:Ina Druviete|Ina Druviete]]
* [[The use of languages in Flanders and a comparison with that of Quebec]] by Jean Dujardin
* [[The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today]] by Jonas Žilinskas
* [[The impact of Quebec's linguistic policy abroad seen from francophone Belgium]] by Jean-Marie Klinkenberg
* [[The influence of Quebec's linguistic legislation in the political and cultural life of Porto Rico]] by Luis Muñiz-Argüelles

[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]

The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales

2011-09-08T12:49:21Z

Yvesmarie:

{{Title|The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales|[[Colin H. Williams]]|in ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique'', 2002}}

----
This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_williams_vf.pdf "L'influence de l'aménagement linguistique au Québec au-delà de ses fontières : Le Pays de Galles"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

Colin H. Williams, professor and researcher at the Welsh Department of [[Wikipedia:Cardiff University|Cardiff University]], in Great Britain.

Canada and Quebec took three decades to provide themselves with an infrastructure establishing [[Wikipedia:linguistic rights|linguistic rights]] at the federal and provincial levels and ensuring the arbitration of the disagreements between the two (Williams, 1998). Wales has known for only eight years the repercussions of the ''[[Wikipedia:Welsh Language Act 1993|Welsh Language Act]]'' of 1993, which consecrated the equality of [[Wikipedia:English language|English]] and [[Wikipedia:Welsh language|Welsh]] in the public sector. The country also adapts itself to the new reality of a bilingual [[Wikipedia:National Assembly for Wales|national Parliament]] (established in May 1999), which intends to tackle on the issues of [[Wikipedia:linguistic planning|linguistic planning]] in a much more resolute manner than former governments. The influence exerted by the linguistic policy of Quebec on Wales is the result of a curious mixture of boundless admiration for the achievements in professional linguistic planning and a deliberate effort to avoid analyzing their detailed consequences on the [[Wikipedia:sociolinguistics|sociolinguistic]] behaviour in Quebec. One could conclude from this that symbolism has more importance than practical knowledge to draw from. That is due mainly to the lack of maturity of linguistic planning in Wales and the reluctance of politicians and British senior civil servants to give up their pragmatic and reactive approach with regards to linguistic policy. When Quebec is used as an example, it is generally in comparative analysis adopted by Welsh academics and dissenting politicians rather than in the deliberations of the responsible government agencies (Williams, 1994). Nevertheless, following important reforms carried on over a decade, the Quebec experience will probably have more and more importance in the implementation of a more global Welsh linguistic planning.

For reasons easy to understand, many Welsh analysts feel an affinity with the French-speaking resistance in North America and particularly that of Quebec. The two communities underwent the obvious discrimination of the [[Wikipedia:British State|British State]] and felt the same feeling of running up against the hegemony of the English language. Both also inherited the traditions and the form of government of the [[Wikipedia:British Commonwealth|British Commonwealth]] (Williams, 2000a). They are also concerned with social bilingualism, in particular in the field of education where Welsh specialists benefit from the applied research undertaken at [[Wikipedia:Laval University|Laval University]] in the 1960s on the teaching methods and the organization of bilingual school systems, research that still continues today (Baker, 1985, 1996). More precisely, the linguistic policies in Wales were defended by the [[Wikipedia:Welsh nationalism|nationalist]] intelligentsia which took as a starting point the the Quebec context, among others. Welsh newspapers and popular magazines carefully followed the discussions on linguistic planning and the first linguistic laws adopted by Quebec, especially starting at the end the 1970s. After 1976, the rise to power of the [[Wikipedia:Parti Québécois|Parti Québécois]] was greeted in Wales as a very positive event worthy of emulation. The particular lessons followed in Wales which stem from the experience of Quebec touch the following grand stakes:

'''1. The acquisition of detailed census data and explanatory facts aiming at clarifying the public discussion'''

As Bourhis and Marshall (1999 : 261) sustain, the ''[[Wikipedia:Official Languages Act (Canada)|Official languages Act]]'' of Canada and the [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French language|Charter of the French language]] of Quebec have in common a frequent concern of democratic States - the linguistic policies were adopted following scientific research and vast public consultations - which raises the legitimacy of the linguistic planning efforts. The government of Wales invested very little in data analysis of linguistic matters and our legislation is based on intense political pressures and parliamentary debates but on very few research specifically carried out in this field. The strategists of the linguistic policy neglected research a lot and do not have any study comparable to the excellent detailed analysis, often prepared under the auspices of the [[Wikipedia:Office de la langue française|Office de la langue française]], like those of Maurais (1987, 1988) and of Castonguay (1994). However, during its meeting of March 23, 2001, the [[Wikipedia:Welsh Language Board|Welsh Language Board]] committed to constituting a complete sociolinguistic database to support its strategy and the advices it gives to the government and the other organizations.

'''2. The linguistic legislation '''

The ''Welsh Language Act, 1993'', is a unique British law of its kind. It imposes the equality of Welsh and English in the public sector in Wales. It also guarantees to the people of Welsh expression the absolute right to speak Welsh in front of the courts and creates the Welsh Language Board, which became one of the principal instruments of linguistic planning (WLB, 1999). The operation of the Office de la langue française and other organizations of linguistic planning was studied, as were the various linguistic laws adopted in Quebec (CLF, 1988; Maurais, 1992) in order to determine the practices best suited to consolidate the effectiveness of the Welsh Language Board established by the said Act. However, the Act of 1993 does not correct the legislation on employment to make it possible for employers to designate offices requiring the capacity to speak Welsh. The law does not impose any obligation on organizations outside the public sector and does not contain any statement giving to Welsh the status of [[Wikipedia:official language|official language]]. It should be stressed that, contrary to French in Quebec, Welsh is currently spoken by less than one fifth of the population. Thus, whereas the Charter of the French language (Bill 101, 1977) declares French the only official language of Quebec and sanctions the right of French-speaking people to communicate in French in their relationship with the administrative, health and social services of the province, as well as with semi-public agencies, trade unions and retail stores, the ''Welsh Language Act'' does not contain any provision of similar scale imposing the use of Welsh in the private sector. The detractors of the law see a great gap there, and pressure is increasingly sharp in favour of a new law obliging the voluntary organizations and the sector deprived to hold account of the rights of the workers and the customers. This requirement is based on the precedent of Bill 101, which established the right of French-speaking people to work in French. Francization programs were worked out to lead the companies more than cash fifty employees to adopt French as the language of work and to obtain a Francization certificate. The adaptation of such a project to the Welsh context would have major effects on the development of a bilingual economy; it seems however that small and medium-sized businesses would be more affected than the large ones by the legal obligation to recognize the rights of their employees express themselves in the language of their choice.

'''3. The iconography of the linguistic landscape'''

A major element of linguistic marketing consists in creating a favourable environment giving the priority to bilingual posting and to the role of semiology to influence the iconography of the linguistic landscape. Wales studied the experience of Quebec with regards to public and commercial signing in French. Once again, the detailed nuances and the projected consequences of the legislation were less interesting to us than the professional studies which arose from it, especially in what pertains to the monitoring of road signs and indication, the reaction of the private sector to commercial posting and the role played by bilingualism and translation to legitimize new forms of communication.

'''4. The progress in the teaching of the Welsh language'''

Just like in Quebec, the reform of education was one of the most important pillars of the revitalization of language in Wales (Jones and Ghuman, 1995; Williams, 2000b). For three decades, the program of bilingual schooling was limited to a minority serving a minority within a minority, and that limited obviously the visibility and the social relevance of bilingualism for the 80% of the population who did not speak Welsh. However, following the ''Education Reform Act'' of 1988, a national program of education as well as a national program of evaluation were established in Wales. These programs grant to Welsh the status of principal subject matter and recognize the bilingualism of Wales. The Gallo-Québécois relations are mainly centered on the effective teaching of the languages in a multicultural context and on methods of remote learning.

'''5. The representatives of the public sector'''

As French-speaking people could observe during the 1970s and 1980s, recognizing the rights of the individuals and groups to certain services are in vain, and their application remain uncertain if the language used at each point of contact is not really left as a choice to the citizen. The current people in charge for the Welsh policy are now very aware to the need of supervising such situations and they study the Quebec experience of francization of the public administration and the business world (Vaillancourt, 1985, 1996).

== References ==

* BAKER, C. (1985). ''Aspects of Bilingualism in Wales'', Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.
* BAKER, C. (1996). ''Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism'', Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.
* BOURHIS, R. Y. (dir.) (1984). ''Conflict and Language Planning in Québec'', Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.
* BOURHIS, R. Y. et D. F. MARSHALL (1999). "The United States and Canada", in Fishman, J. A. (dir.), ''Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity'', New York, Oxford University Press, p. 244-266.
* CASTONGUAY, Ch. (1994a). ''L’assimilation linguistique : mesure et évolution, 1971-1986'', Québec, Conseil de la langue française.
* CONSEIL DE LA LANGUE FRANÇAISE (1988). ''Le Projet de loi fédéral C-72 relatif au statut et à l’usage des langues officielles au Canada'', Québec.
* JONES, R. M. et P. A. GHUMAN (dirs) (1995). ''Bilingualism, Education and Identity'', Cardiff, The University of Wales Press.
* MAURAIS, J. (dir.) (1987). ''Politique et aménagement linguistiques'', Québec, Conseil de la langue française.
* MAURAIS, J. (1988). "Dossier sur l’aménagement linguistique", in ''Bulletin du Conseil de la langue française'', vol. 5, no 1.
* MAURAIS, J. (1992). "Language Status Planning in Québec", in Lauren, C. et M. Nordman (dirs), ''Special Language'', Clevedon, Multilingual Matters, p. 138-149.
* QUÉBEC (1978). "Charte de la langue française du Québec", in ''Lois du Québec'', chapitre 5, Québec, Éditeur officiel du Québec.
* QUÉBEC (1974). "Loi sur la langue officielle du Québec", in ''Lois du Québec'', chapitre 6, Québec, Éditeur officiel du Québec.
* VAILLANCOURT, F. (1985). ''Économie et langue'', Québec, Conseil de la langue française.
* VAILLANCOURT, F. (1996). "Language and Socioeconomic Status in Québec : measurement, findings, determinants and policy costs", in ''International Journal of the Sociology of Language'', no 121, p. 69-92.
* WELSH LANGUAGE BOARD (1999). ''A Strategy for the Welsh Language : Targets for 2000-2005'', Cardiff, The Welsh Language Board.
* WILLIAMS, C. H. (1994). ''Called Unto Liberty : On Language and Nationalism'', Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.
* WILLIAMS, C. H. (1998b). "Introduction : Respecting the Citizens - Reflections on Language Policy in Canada and the United States", in Ricento, T. et B. Burnaby (dirs). ''Language and Politics in the United States and Canada'', Mahwah, New Jersey, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers, p. 1-33.
* WILLIAMS, C. H. (2000a). "Governance and the language", in ''Contemporary Wales'', vol. 12, p. 130-154.
* WILLIAMS, C. H. (dir.) (2000). ''Language Revitalization : Policy and Planning in Wales'', Cardiff, The University of Wales Press.

== See also ==
* [[Quebec and Catalonia]] by Miquel Reniu i Tresserras
* [[Influence of the Charter of the French language in China]] by Zhou Qingsheng
* [[Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective]] by Bernard Spolsky
* [[The perception of Quebec's "fait français" in the United States]] by Joshua A. Fishman
* [[Quebec and Estonia]] by Mart Rannut
* [[Language policy in Australia - a non-legislative model]] by Uldis Ozolins
* [[The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States]] by [[Wikipedia:Ina Druviete|Ina Druviete]]
* [[The use of languages in Flanders and a comparison with that of Quebec]] by Jean Dujardin
* [[The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today]] by Jonas Žilinskas
* [[The impact of Quebec's linguistic policy abroad seen from francophone Belgium]] by Jean-Marie Klinkenberg
* [[The influence of Quebec's linguistic legislation in the political and cultural life of Porto Rico]] by Luis Muñiz-Argüelles

[[Category:Periodical articles]]
[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]

Quebec and Catalonia

2011-09-08T12:44:57Z

Yvesmarie:

{{Title|Quebec and Catalonia|Miquel Reniu i Tresserras|''Revue d'aménagement linguistique'', 2002}}

----
This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_reniu_vf.pdf "Le Québec et la Catalogne"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

by Miquel Reniu i Tresserras, the president of the ''Comissió de Lectorats'' and former chief executive officer of the Catalan language policy.

The commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the Charter of the French language (Bill 101) is a good occasion to highlight the tight fabric of ideas, proposals, complicities and mutual experiences in the field of linguistic policies which our two countries have shared during this period.

The Charter of the French language establishes the principles at the foundation of the French language policy in Quebec, the most important of them undoubtedly being that of the concept of the [[Wikipedia:French language|French language]] as a foundation of Quebec society, the most explicit element of its national and cultural identity. In the same way, ''Llei de Política Lingüística'' of Catalonia (Bill 1/1998) defines the [[Wikipedia:Catalan language|Catalan language]] as the fundamental component in the formation of the national personality of Catalonia and as the basic instrument for the communication, the integration and the social cohesion of all its citizens, independently of their geographical origin. In both cases, all this is affirmed with a clear will of permanence and projection in the future.

Our two countries, Quebec and Catalonia, have in common the fact of considering their respective languages, French in Quebec and the Catalan in Catalonia, as fundamental traits of their national realities in a context which is characterized by economic and cultural internationalization, which they face with determination and in a positive spirit, while being in contact with two of the languages with the greatest international diffusion, [[Wikipedia:|Spanish]] and [[Wikipedia:English|English]], that is while being subjected to an extraordinarily strong pressure in the fields of new communication and information technologies, the culture and the global market, as many sectors which favour the most diffused languages. This pressure, putting aside what is already ensured by the legislative framework of these languages, obliges the citizens to a personal bilingualism which often drifts towards a bilingualism of greater amplitude, introducing a kind of uncertainty into the process of standardization and hegemony of their own languages, uncertainty which forces them to regularly revise their policies and their laws.

The Charter of the French language and the language policy of Québec have constituted a reference model for Catalonia. When Catalonia undertook its first actions to recover control over the Catalan language and the parliamentary process needed to elaborate the ''Llei de Normalització Lingüística'' in 1983, following the re-establishment of its self-government in 1980, it paid close attention to the Québec linguistic model, both at the legislative and the political levels. On the one hand, because this linguistic model clarified, to the eyes of the Catalan legislators and politicians, a clear will to integrate, without any exception, their own language in all the fields of the social life where it would be specifically recognized as the language of preference, inside a linguistic model of cohabitation. The Quebec linguistic model cercerning French, which has a linguistic ''status'' comparable to that of Catalan, puts the emphasis, among its actions, on aspects which are also significant for the Catalan language policy: linguistic planning, the socio-economic sector, culture, education, new technologies and means of communication. In addition, if our statutory political competences were and remain more reduced than those of Quebec, they nevertheless are much broader than those which defend other national languages in Europe ([[Wikipedia:Welsh language|Welsh]], [[Wikipedia:Breton language|Breton]] and [[Wikipedia:Sardinian language|Sardinian]]) and are, in an obvious way, constitutionally different from those which protect various languages, as in Belgium and Switzerland, where is being applied a strictly territorial system of linguistic pluralism which we could not set up, or the competences that the [[Wikipedia:State of Israel|State of Israel]] has used for the recovery of [[Wikipedia:Hebrew language|Hebrew]]. For all these reasons, was established and continues to develop a permanent flow of communication, mutual influences, agreements and open and cordial collaboration between the people and the organizations responsible for the language policy of Catalonia and Quebec, as well as a wave of sympathy and recognition between the citizens of the two nations.

The collaboration between the ''Direcció General de Política Lingüística de la Generalitat de Catalunya'' and Québec's ''Office de la langue française'' has been permanent and important. We have shared numerous strategies, which, despite their differences and their necessary adaptation to contextual circumstances, had numerous points in common. It is important for us to emphasize the invaluable collaboration which we had from the beginning with [[Wikipedia:Jean-Claude Corbeil|Jean-Claude Corbeil]], who brought us his invaluable advices when it was necessary for us to specify the goals of our language policy and to choose the most relevant and most convenient actions to undertake. That appeared particularly important when in 1995, we worked out and set up the general plan of the language policy of Catalonia. The influence of the Quebec language policy is noticeable in many aspects of the Catalan language policy: in the progressive establishment of a system of linguistic immersion in teaching, for example, or the establishment of a government organization offering linguistic consultation and the establishment of [[Wikipedia:terminology|terminology]] databases, [[Wikipedia:sociolinguistics|sociolinguistic]] research, the creation of translation departments in the trade-union and business sectors, various strategies for outdoor signs, or all that which refers to policies for the valorization of proper language as the main goal for its social use. In other cases, the actions of the Catalan language policy influenced the language policy of Quebec with regard to, among other things, the establishment of an interdepartmental committee to coordinate the action of the Administration with regards to linguistic usage, which is based indeed on Catalonia's Technical Network of Linguistic Standardization and the Linguistic Consortium of Standardization. Certain language promotion campaigns undertaken in Catalonia were also used as reference for the Quebec's policy.

The influence of the Charter of the French language of Québec on the ''Llei de Normalització Lingüística'' (Bill 7/1983), and the Catalan regulation being applied, is visible notably through the echo which articles 2 to 6 of the Charter of the French language, pertaining to the fundamental linguistic rights, have found as part of article 2 of the Catalan legislation of 1983. One also finds the influence of the measures taken in favour of French in the socio-economic sectors and teaching on the Catalan legislation, from 1983 until our days. Concretely, the influence of the Charter of the French language is perceived in ''Estatut del Consumidor'' (Bill 3/1993) which regulates the linguistic rights of consumers with regard to the use of Catalan for information and the providing of services, in the Decree 317/1994, by which are established the standards on the classification of restaurant establishments with regard to posting, publicity and menus, or in many aspects of ''Llei de Política Lingüística'' (Bill 1/1998), with regard to socio-economic activity (posting, communication and information with the citizens) and what touches teaching (delivery of nonuniversity diplomas). In other sectors, like the whole linguistic standardization of businesses, data processing or the dubbing and subtitling of films, even if, we, Catalans, have followed Quebec's language policy with admiration, we also experienced the impossibility of applying, for the moment, a similar policy in Catalonia.

In order to better tighten the relations between Catalonia and Quebec, the Catalan and Quebec governments signed a cooperation agreement on July 10, 1996, itself followed by another agreement which projects a specific co-operation programme on linguistic matters. This last agreement projects, on the one hand, the collaboration and co-operation in order to promote each language on its respective territory and, on the other hand, to establish bonds to share the experiences of straightening of language successfully carried out on both sides.

From Catalonia, we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Charter of the French language which reinforced, by its application during all these years, in an clear and notable way, the national identity of Quebec, as well as its image and its recognition on the international scene.

== See also ==
* [[Influence of the Charter of the French language in China]] by Zhou Qingsheng
* [[Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective]] by Bernard Spolsky
* [[The perception of Quebec's "fait français" in the United States]] by Joshua A. Fishman
* [[Quebec and Estonia]] by Mart Rannut
* [[The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales]] by Colin H. Williams
* [[Language policy in Australia - a non-legislative model]] by Uldis Ozolins
* [[The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States]] by [[Wikipedia:Ina Druviete|Ina Druviete]]
* [[The use of languages in Flanders and a comparison with that of Quebec]] by Jean Dujardin
* [[The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today]] by Jonas Žilinskas
* [[The impact of Quebec's linguistic policy abroad seen from francophone Belgium]] by Jean-Marie Klinkenberg
* [[The influence of Quebec's linguistic legislation in the political and cultural life of Porto Rico]] by Luis Muñiz-Argüelles

{{GFDL}}

[[Category:Catalonia]]
[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]

Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective

2011-09-08T12:43:27Z

Yvesmarie:

{{Title|Quebec's language planning policy: Israeli perspective|[[Bernard Spolsky]]|''Revue d'aménagement linguistique'', 2002}}

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This is an unofficial English translation of [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/bibliotheque/ouvrages/amenagement_hs/ral01_charte_spolsky_vf.pdf "L’aménagement linguistique au Québec : regard d'un Israélien"], an article found in a [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/sommaire_hs_ral.html special issue] of the [[Wikipedia:Office québécois de la langue française|OQLF]]'s [http://www.oqlf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/publications/publications_amenagement/ ''Revue d'aménagement linguistique''] published for the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Québec's [[Wikipedia:Charter of the French Language|Charter of the French language]] in 2002.
----

By Bernard Spolsky, professor emeritus of English at the [[Wikipedia:Bar-Ilan University|Bar-Ilan University]] and distinguished member of the [[National Center of Foreign Languages]] in Washington.

Recently, one of Israel's two English-language daily newspapers, the ''[[Wikipedia:Jerusalem Post|Jerusalem Post]]'', published in its weekly magazine an in-depth article on the perceived threat that represents, for [[Wikipedia:Hebrew language|Hebrew]], "one of the noblest achievements of [[Wikipedia:Zionism|Zionism]]", the increasingly manifest penetration of English in the sociolinguistic organization of the country. The article brought the attention on the increasing demand regarding the teaching of English: more and more parents in all social layers indeed register their preschool children to private English courses who are expensive and ask for the teaching of this language as of the first school year (Spolsky et Shohamy, 2001). The Israelies strew their speech with English words. English signs are omnipresent. English has invaded universities: even if practically all university courses up to the highest levels are given in Hebrew, most of the manuals of the more advanced levels are in English, as are most publications (and conferences) by university researchers. As, in general, high-tech businesses maintain strong ties with clients and collaborators abroad, English tends to become the language of this field. The presence, and the menace, of English are felt more and more.

In a case where a language like Hebrew, to which one grants a great value at the ideological level, seems threatened from the outside, it is not astonishing that the linguists and personalities under the spotlight are numerous to think of Bill 101 and the methods that Quebec applied in the past twenty-five years to reverse the trend towards English. Periodically, Israeli politicians present bills to proclaim Hebrew the sole official language of the country. Presently, Hebrew shares this title with Arabic only, because a measure was taken soon after the foundation of the State, in 1948, to modify the British policy, which imposed three languages, and gave up English. The last attempt at giving a judicial protection to Hebrew goes back to December 2000: two bills were then rejected.

A ''Jerusalem Post'' article mentions that the Quebec law limits the contents broadcasted in English on television and radio and requires that, on a poster, the size of the letters for French words be twice as important than that of the words in another language, and finally evokes the Québec "language police"{{Refl|1}}. The article then points out that a militant attitude does not attract many supporters in Israel. It quotes the president of the Academy of the Hebraic language, professor Moshe Bar-Asher, who is opposed to legislative interventions to defend the language. He estimates that coercion is likely to produce undesirable results and that the problem is cultural rather than legal. Atill, a few years ago, the Academy protested before the Minister of Education against a plan aiming at adding one hour of English course in certain schools.

The reluctance to follow the Quebec model deserves a closer look. Hebrew is probably a unique example of the successful revitalization and revernacularisation of a language not spoken nor transmitted from generation to generation for nearly 2000 years (Spolsky and Shohamy, 1999). In 1890, the first middle Hebrew schools open in a handlful of Jewish agricultural colonies in Ottoman Palestine. Twenty-five years later, Hebrew is so well established as the public language of the Jewish community of Palestine that a proposal aiming at making German the language of use in the sciences courses of a projected institute of tertiary technology was demolished. Hebrew was really the fundamental symbol of the revival of Jewish nationalism, and its rebirth was a centre piece of the Zionist ideology. In the first years of the British Mandate, and especially from 1923 to 1936, an energetic campaign for Hebrew was carried out in the Jewish community of Palestine against its two principal enemies, Yiddish and English. The British government placed education in the hands of communities: the Arabs used Arabic in their own schools and the Jews employed only Hebrew in their schools and universities.

== To be translated ==

After the proclamation of the state in 1948, the Jewish population, who speaks mostly Hebrew, was repeatedly overwhelmed by waves of immigrants who did not speak the language. The Hebrew ideological hegemony is strong enough to withstand the pressure, and most immigrants go to Hebrew. In recent years, however, many important changes have taken place. The first is certainly the gradual weakening of the Zionist ideology: many people say that we are now in a post-Zionist period. The second is the penetration of English associated with globalization: radio and television, trade, tourism, global digital world. The third is related to the nature of more recent immigration. The English-speaking immigrants who arrived en masse in the 1970s came by choice, bringing with them a language, culture and skills highly valued. For the first time, a group of immigrants speak a language that can claim a higher status than Hebrew. The dismantling of the Soviet Union led a wave of 800,000 Russian-speaking immigrants, too convinced of the richness of their language and culture, who have built a cultural life based on the Russian side. Children of immigrants in English and Russian languages learn to speak fluent Hebrew (Donitsa-Schmidt, 1999), but they often retain, as their parents, satisfactory or add a bilingual English, very professional looking (and Kheimets Epstein, 2001), which threatens monolingual Hebrew. In recent years also, we have become more sensitive to the significant minority of Arabic, which speaks that language at home and in the community (Amara, 1999). Other major ethnic groups also maintain their own language: Hasidic sects, who are working to restore the Yiddish as the language of children (Isaacs, 1999), recent Jewish immigrants from North Africa, who lived in France long enough to develop an attachment to French (Ben-Rafael, 1994), a laege group of Ethiopians whose integration has been extremely slow, and hundreds of thousands of foreign workers from non-Jews from Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America who continue to live in gated communities, but whose children fall gradually in the school system.

Although the official policy of the Department of Education (Ministry of Education, 1996) is in favor of keeping the language of immigrants and ethnic languages, in practice, the language used in schools of Jewish children is Hebrew and English. The main foreign language taught to be Arabic is taught half-heartedly. In Arab schools, attended by about 20% of the Israeli population, Arabic is the language of instruction, and teaches Hebrew and English. The only real exception is the many community schools, in the afternoon, teaching mathematics and literature, Russian immigrants from the former Soviet Union.

So we can say that in this context of increasing pluralism, multilingualism is increasingly accepted and there is a clear opening to languages other than Hebrew. For the purists and those who hold to the old ideology, these changes are positive and seem to pose a serious threat to Hebrew. Nobody believes that this language will disappear, as all studies show that the second generation of all groups of immigrants speaks Hebrew and the Hebrew transmission from one generation to another is assured. Revitalization and revernacularisation of Hebrew are things done (Spolsky and Shohamy, 2000). However, what many people fear is that Hebrew be removed from office and important areas. In other words, they fear that Hebrew had to be relegated to the status before Yiddish, a language that at home. As in the traditional shtetl of Eastern Europe, where the Hebrew-Aramaic was the language of literacy (Weinreich, 1980), they fear that one day replace English Hebrew in a society diglossic. No doubt these concernshelp those who wish to emulate the model of language planning in Quebec.

Interestingly, a minority group has taken the legal way not to defend the dominance of Hebrew but to attack it. For several years now, a small organization of Arab civil liberties, Adalah - The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights, has tried to establish the interpretation of the language law by trying to include Arabic in public display. The first act was on the signs containing the names of streets in Haifa, written in Hebrew and English. Without a court order, the municipality of Haifa has agreed to add Arabic. The organization then challenged a law requiring the presence of Nazareth in Hebrew in any public posting. The court concluded, without any reference to the official status of Arabic, that an advertiser has the right to display a poster in any language. It is only recently that a court has acknowledged a request that the Arabic on all road signs. The reluctance of courts to defer to the language law is explained by their tendency to focus on human rights rather than collective rights, which protect the language against those who do not want to speak it. Adalah's strategy, however, may produce the opposite effect: as a debate on national identity is started, the nationalists still have a chance to win.

The success of Hebrew is primarily due to a popular movement. At a critical stage in its development, its advocates have convinced the British government and the League of Nations to include the Hebrew among the official languages of mandatory Palestine. Its ideology was a well-established rule at the time of creation of the state, so that the Academy of the Hebrew language was based, the need for legal protection of the language has not been felt. Even if Israel and Quebec seem to have a common enemy, their situation is so different that language planning in Quebec had no significant influence in Israel

==Bibliography==

* AMARA, Muhammad Hasan (1999). ''Politics and Sociolinguistic Reflexes : Palestinian Border Villages'', Amsterdam et Philadelphie, John Benjamins Publishing Company.
* BEN-RAFAEL, Eliezer (1994). ''Language, Identity and Social Division : the Case of Israel'', Oxford, Clarendon Press.
* DONITSA-SCHMIDT, Smadar (1999). ''Language Maintenance or Shift : Determinants of Language Choice among Soviet Immigrants in Israel'', Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Toronto, Toronto.
* ISAACS, Miriam (1999). "Contentious partners : Yiddish and Hebrew in Haredi Israel", in ''International Journal of the Sociology of Language'', issue 138, p. 101-121.
* KHEIMETS, Nina G. and Alek D. EPSTEIN (2001). "The role of English as a central component of success in the professional and social integration of scientists from the former Soviet Union in Israel", in ''Language in Society'', no 30, p. 187-215.
* MINISTY OF EDUCATION, CULTURE AND SPORT (1996). ''Politique pour l’enseignement des langues en Israël'' (in Hebrew), Jerusalem, Bureau du directeur général.
* SPOLSKY, Bernard and Elana SHOHAMY (1999). ''The Languages of Israel : Policy, Ideology and Practice'', Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.
* SPOLSKY, Bernard and Elana SHOHAMY (2000). "Hebrew after a century of RLS efforts", in Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), ''Can Threatened Languages be Saved?'', Clevedon, Avon, Multilingual Matters Ltd, p. 349-362.
* SPOLSKY, Bernard and Elana SHOHAMY (2001). "The Penetration of English as language of science and technology into the Israeli linguistic repertoire: a preliminary inquiry", in Ulrich Ammon ed.), ''The Dominance of English as Language of Science : Effects on Other Languages and Language Communities'', Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter.
* WEINREICH, Max (1980). ''History of the Yiddish language'', (Fishman & Shlomo Noble Joshua A, Trad.), Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

==See also==

* [[Quebec and Catalonia]] by Miquel Reniu i Tresserras
* [[Influence of the Charter of the French language in China]] by Zhou Qingsheng
* [[The perception of Quebec's "fait français" in the United States]] by Joshua A. Fishman
* [[The influence of Quebec's language planning policy abroad: Wales]] by Colin H. Williams
* [[Language policy in Australia - a non-legislative model]] by Uldis Ozolins
* [[The Charter of the French language in the Baltic States]] by [[Wikipedia:Ina Druviete|Ina Druviete]]
* [[The use of languages in Flanders and a comparison with that of Quebec]] by Jean Dujardin
* [[The problem of bilingualism in Lituania today]] by Jonas Žilinskas
* [[The impact of Quebec's linguistic policy abroad seen from francophone Belgium]] by Jean-Marie Klinkenberg
* [[The influence of Quebec's linguistic legislation in the political and cultural life of Porto Rico]] by Luis Muñiz-Argüelles

== Notes ==

{{Refa|1}} It should be noted that the case of a Quebec casher butcher who, a few years back, would have been given some troubles because of a Hebrew poster, is often cited in Israel.

{{GFDL}}

[[Category:21st century]]
[[Category:Translations]]
[[Category:Language policy]]
[[Category:2002]]
[[Category:2008]]